Why do some US States have a different age of consent for each gender? Utah and 8 other US States have different ages of consent for each gender. Why is this?
Women can get pregnant, so men can be held to stricter rules: From https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ages_of_consent_in_the_United_States Although legislation tends to reflect general societal attitudes regarding male versus female ages of consent, Richard Posner notes in his Guide to America's Sex Laws: The U.S. Supreme Court has held that stricter rules for males do not violate the equal protection clause of the Constitution, on the theory that men lack the disincentives (associated with pregnancy) that women have, to engage in sexual activity, and the law may thus provide men with those disincentives in the form of criminal sanctions. Posner, Richard (1996). A Guide to America's Sex Laws. The University of Chicago Press. p. 45. ISBN 0-226-67564-5. The case cited is Michael M. v. Superior Court, 450 U.S. 464 (1981). However, to modern sensibilities, this doesn't justify the states that have age of consent lower for women. [The pregnancy argument would mean states could punish an adult male for sex with a minor female, to protect the woman. Whereas a minor male of that same age doesn't necessarily need the same protection, at least for that concern.] Law in those states seems to be an attempt to mirror the historical tendency for men to be slightly older than women when marry - but re goal of discouraging sexual predation, those states have it backwards. I'd have to agree with the answers that speculate this is a patriarchal holdover that eventually will change or be overturned. [But US Supreme Court - having ruled it isn't inherently an Equal Protection violation - seems inclined to leave these laws alone regardless of which age is slightly lower; leaving it to the states to decide the non-symmetric circumstances of the sexes.] More detail from the case itself: (a) Gender-based classifications are not "inherently suspect" so as to be subject to so-called "strict scrutiny," but will be upheld if they bear a "fair and substantial relationship" to legitimate state ends. Reed v. Reed, 404 U. S. 71. Because the Equal Protection Clause does not "demand that a statute necessarily apply equally to all persons" or require "things which are different in fact . . . to be treated in law as though they were the same," Rinaldi v. Yeager, 384 U. S. 305, 384 U. S. 309, a statute will be upheld where the gender classification is not invidious, but rather realistically reflects the fact that the sexes are not similarly situated in certain circumstances. Pp. 450 U. S. 468-469.
[…] that prior to 2016, Germany had some outdated […] laws. […] The changes of November 9, 2016, BGBl. I 2460 ff, were brought forward under the impression of the 2015 NYE spike in reported sexual assaults. Particularly incidents around the Cologne train station/cathedral area were widely received. […] outdated rape laws. No, there was no change in the subsection concerning rape. Only editorial changes were made, now following the “new orthography”, less pompous wording/update to today’s parlance, and change in numbering. This meant that no did not mean no, […] If I ask you to “touch me down here” and you say “No” and I take your hand regardless and, without (physical) resistance from your side, place it at the respective location, then it’s sexual assault now, because you said “No”. Previously, it would have required force, e. g. grabbing your hand, to constitute a criminal offense. […] the victim would have to demonstrate injuries from self defence. […] Legally – what the law says – it is not necessary. You will not find a single reference in the law “the victim must demonstrate injuries”. However, successful persecution will be difficult in a he-said-she-said situation. If the court cannot be convinced, it will decide in dubio pro reo (i. e. acquit the accused). This is a general issue of criminal prosecution, though, but people get particularly agitated if it is concerning sexual self-determination. It is notable that a change in law does not bring improvements in that regard. […] a victim being too drunk to consent was not enough […] Previously, there was “in a defenseless situation”. Courts (not the police) interpreted this mostly restrictive. Being drunk does not automatically mean being defenseless (and arguably some people even like drunken sex/having sex while on drugs). Now there is an additional alternative “taking advantage of a person’s physical or psychological condition causing a significant impairment in forming or expressing his will, unless he gives his express consent”. This is a shift toward a subjective assessment of criminality. A sexually very experienced person is well-versed in his capability of giving consent to sexual interactions, whereas a sexually-inexperienced person exhibits “significant impairment” at an earlier level. It is yet to see how courts deal with that. […] When did Germany officially implement this law, […] The changes took effect the next day, on November 10, 2016. Technically, there’s no “implementation period”. However, on November 10, 2016, no lawyer could have definitely answered, for instance, the question “What is a legal definition of ‘against apparent wish’?”
Can Alice still get child support, or will she be denied because she can not definitively prove which man is the child's biological father? The legal standard is a preponderance of the evidence (i.e. more likely than not) and there is plenty of evidence that can be offered in addition to DNA evidence, such as testimony under oath from people in a position to know who was having sex with whom at the relevant times. Contrary to a common misconception, testimony under oath is still solid evidence that can support a verdict on appeal. Alice had neither a long standing romantic relationship with Bob nor anyone that was a witness to the sexual act, thus making the question of who she slept with difficult to prove. It isn't that hard to prove. Q to Alice's physician: Based upon an ultrasound, when did Alice conceive? A: April 5-8, 2021. Q to DNA expert: Based upon the DNA test, who could the father be? A: Billy or Bob. Q to Alice: Did you have sex with Billy between April 5-8, 2021? A: No. Q to Alice: Did you have sex with Bob between April 5-8, 2021? A: Yes. Q to Billy: Did you have sex with Alice between April 5-8, 2021? A: No. Q to Billy: Why not? A: I was at the Shuffleboard World Cup in Tibet, I have time stamped pictures. Q to Bob: Did you have sex with Alice between April 5-8, 2021? A: -- if Yes, judge says he believes Bob and Alice and the case is over. -- if No, the judge decides who among Bob, Billy, and Alice the judge believes based upon other evidence. Ultimately, the judge has to rule between the two based upon non-genetic evidence and resolve credibility disputes just as in any other case that doesn't involve DNA evidence (which is the vast majority of cases). Also, the edge cases are few are far between. Identical twins are rare to start with, and few women have sex with more than one identical twin in the several day period when she could have conceived or didn't know which twin she had sex with. It has happened at least once in history (post-DNA testing), but you can probably count the number of times that it has ever happened on one hand. For example, presumptions from cohabitation, marriage, and claims of paternity often resolve paternity disputes without DNA evidence. Further, to the extent that there is good faith uncertainty (perhaps everyone agrees that the mother has sex with both twins on the only possible day of conception and nobody really knows), the downsides to a mistake in the larger cosmic sense of the overall paternity law system are minimal, as identical twins very rarely become deeply alienated from each other and instead tend to be close and intensely cooperative once they discover each other, and tend to be similar to each other in almost every respect depriving the child of little if the court gets it wrong. Realistically, identical twins are particularly likely to settle out of court so the judge doesn't have to decide. In one of the only two actual cases I could locate that went to trial (in Brazil), both twins were ordered to pay child support because the evidence showed that they actively conspired with each other to confound the mother and the court regarding who the father was, and conspiracies can support joint and several liability. The other case reported in a news story had convincing circumstantial evidence supporting one identical twin over the other that probably establish a presumption of paternity for one twin and not the other. One of the twins, who cannot be named for legal reasons, went to court last summer in the hope of forcing the mother to grant him access to the child. Although his name is not on the birth certificate, he claims he is the only father the boy has known, cared for him every other weekend, provided financial support and was even known to him as 'papa'. But then the man's relationship with his girlfriend broke down and the visits halted. When he began legal proceedings to prove his paternity, the mother made her claim that she had been sleeping with his twin at around the same time. The twins have said they knew they were both having sex with the woman, but argue that only one had sex during the period of conception. Both refused to undergo a DNA test: the complainant refused to pay the £335 charge while his brother, who has since married and fathered children, does not consider himself involved in the dispute. Now, however, Judge Jolin has asked the complainant to take a DNA test by 1 December to ensure he can claim even possible paternity, while his brother may also be tested. (The second case is in Quebec and the cost of the test in pounds is apparently a currency conversion value.) (It is possible in principle to distinguish even identical twins from each other with high coverage whole genome tests that would reveal a few random mutations in each twin out of billions of possible mutations, but it is currently prohibitively expensive to do so.) Can she even get a paternity test given that it would not be definitive proof which man was the father? Yes. This rules out all 4 billion men in the world minus two of them. It has great probative value, narrowing the list of possible fathers down to two.
Here is a summary of EU law on gender equality. Have a look at Section 3.4; there is an exemption allowed when the specific tasks require either men or women and there have been specific decisions both ways. The Royal Marines were allowed to exclude women from specific roles; the Bundeswehr were not allowed to make a general exclusion of women. It is certainly arguable that a provision allowing the conscription only of one sex is unlawful. If you are serious about challenging this law then be aware that it will take a lot of time, money and may put your liberty at risk. It is likely to take considerably longer than your period of service to take this through the court system; ultimately this is the sort of thing that will end in the highest court in Denmark. You may be spending time in goal waiting for the outcome. If you want to go through with this you should consult a lawyer who is expert on constitutional law.
The comments have basically covered this, but: It's a slightly weird parallel structure ("who shall not be at least 25, and been a citizen for 7 years, and who shall not be a resident"). The Constitution is not written in fluid 21st-century English. But the obviously correct way to parse the sentence is that no one can be a representative who isn't a 25-year-old or older who's been a citizen for at least 7 years; furthermore, no one can be a representative who wasn't a resident of the state they represent when they were elected. With some parts of the Constitution (like the Second Amendment), the drafting results in actual disputes about the intended meaning. With other parts (like here), only one reading makes any sense. It's the same with the requirements to be President. The Constitution says "No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President," which could be read as "you're not eligible unless, when the Constitution was adopted, you were either a citizen of the US or a natural-born citizen." But that's a silly reading, so "at the time of the Adoption" is read as only applying to "a Citizen of the United States:" natural-born citizens are eligible period, and people who were born before the US was a thing but were citizens by the time the Constitution was adopted were grandfathered in.
What discrimination? As explained in Conflict between a religious belief that accounts for the existence of transgender people vs. one that doesn&#39;t the Constitutional protection of the Free Exercise Clause applies to the exercise of a deeply held belief (religious or not). So, let's accept that a person believes that certain sexual practices or gender identity is morally repugnant for whatever reason and that belief triggers the Constitutional protections. That means, that the person cannot be forced to engage in those sexual practices or adopt a different gender identity. It does not mean that they have a licence to discriminate against people who do in a work or public environment - they can, of course, choose to avoid such people in their private life. Alternatively, if the person believes that they are required by their faith to discriminate on the basis of those characteristics then such a belief does not get Constitutional protection as it is now affecting the rights of others. In the same way that someone who believed in human sacrifice would not get Constitutional protection.
General Considerations While I am not convinced that this question isn't proper for this site, I don't think that, for the most part, it has a clear and simple answer. Also, strictly speaking there is no such thing as a &quot;man-hating state&quot; because de jure distinctions based upon gender in divorce law are constitutionally forbidden. But, that doesn't mean that some states don't have laws that are usually more favorable to a typical man than others. For example, there is meaningful variation between states in the law of maintenance (a.k.a. alimony) that favor the more or the less affluent spouse, although less than you might naively expect. Interstate Differences There are a handful of states that are quite distinctive. For example, in the states where I am licensed, New York State was the last state to have a &quot;no fault&quot; divorce option, which could help you or hurt you depending on the circumstances as judges there still have a mindset that fault matters, and Colorado has some distinctive rules related to presumptive maintenance awards, to non-parental custody claims, and to the treatment of property received by gift, or inheritance or owned prior to the marriage. But, most U.S. states are very similar on most important issues, particularly on matters of child support (where federal welfare regulations create strong incentives for states to have almost uniform laws) and parental rights and responsibilities (where the &quot;best interests of the child&quot; standard is almost universal with only slight differences in case law). Every state now has a &quot;no fault&quot; divorce option (and most completely disregard all forms of marital fault in making their decisions) and most states afford judges in divorce cases very wide discretion on issues of property division and maintenance. There are differences between states regarding the legal standard for dividing property in divorce (some states are &quot;community property&quot; states, some are &quot;quasi-community property&quot; states and some a separate property states each of which have detailed rules that matter in some states). But, it also isn't uncommon, for example, to divide property acquired in a community property state according to the community property rules of the state where the property was acquired rather than the property division rules of the state where the divorce is taking place. The differences tend to be greatest in situations where there is substantial property owned by a spouse that was owned prior to the marriage or was received by gift or inheritance, particularly in a long marriage. There are also some states that have more specific rules governing maintenance awards (a.k.a. alimony), but the majority rule affords a judge immense discretion in making maintenance awards. So, often the tradeoff is not so much between a more favorable regime and a less favorable regime on the merits, but between a more predictable regime and one with a greater range of possible outcomes, even though the outcome in the average case may be very similar. Sometimes very fine details can really matter (often much more than &quot;big picture&quot; issues that are used to classify state divorce law regimes). For example, some states use the economic circumstances of the parties on the date that the divorce is filed to make decisions on property division and maintenance, while others use the date of the divorce hearing. If your family's economic circumstances are in rapid flux, either up or down, that difference could be huge in your particular case. And, incidentally, there is nothing inherently pro-husband or pro-wife about either rule. One rule might favor men with rising fortunes, while another might favor men with falling fortunes. Intrastate Differences Are Mostly More Important Than Interstate Differences For the most part, however, the differences in typical outcomes between particular judges and particular geographic regions within a state are more important than the differences between states. This is also why you should usually ignore anecdotal evidence you hear that is usually specific to a judge in someone's case, rather than having much to do with the law of a particular state. Your mileage will vary. Judges in affluent counties, for example, may be more inclined to think that a higher alimony award is necessary to maintain someone's standard of living, but may also be more sophisticated on average, in understanding assets like ownership interests in closely held businesses or complex financial instruments, that may be unfamiliar to judges in less affluent counties. Divorce cases in counties that are growing rapidly in population typically take longer to process cases than in counties that have stable or declining populations, because the number of judges assigned to a county typically lags behind changes in population, and judges with larger case loads only have so many days a year upon which they can hold hearings. There are some counties in Colorado where you can get a two day divorce hearing six months after the case is filed and others where you can expect a two year wait for a two day divorce hearing, due to differences in local caseloads. Particularly in &quot;best interests of the child&quot; determinations, the outcome is inevitably influenced by the personal life experiences of your particular judge and two different judges in the very same county could easily come up with radically different decisions based upon precisely the same facts. Some of this, on average, is influenced by regional culture. For example, an average judge in rural Alabama may have different ideas about the best interests of the child, than an average judge in Seattle, Washington. But, your case wouldn't be in front of an &quot;average judge&quot;, it would be in front of one particular judge. It is entirely possible, for example, that your rural Alabama judge spent most of his life in Seattle, was chosen to serve as a judge because there were no other qualified lawyers who wanted the job in that rural county, and has views about what is in the best interests of a child that are very different from the &quot;average&quot; rural Alabama judge. In general, judges in rural areas are more urban in their sensibilities and more secular in their world views than the general population (per a survey of rural judges I saw in print form and no longer have an easy way to cite). How To Evaluate Your Options As a practical matter, the best approach for someone in your situation is to identify several different particular places you might choose to move (down to the particular county level), and then talk to lawyers in each to evaluate your likely prospects in light of the facts of your particular case. While a lawyer licensed in only one state is generally not forbidden from comparing the law of multiple states by the laws of professional responsibility, the practical reality is that few lawyers have the kind of expertise necessary to do so on a national basis. You might find a lawyer near a state boundary who is knowledgable, for example, about the differences in the divorce laws between New Jersey, New York and Connecticut that are all present in the same metropolitan area. But, there are few lawyers personally qualified to make meaningful and accurate comparisons between, say, Georgia, Maine, North Dakota, Texas and Idaho. Your Attitude Towards The Process Matters Finally, one sentence in your question really sticks out: &quot;I need to get a divorce and don't want to land in a man hating state.&quot; So does your statement &quot;It's important I at least get 50/50 of my kids.&quot; These sentences reflect a somewhat cynical and self-centered attitude towards divorce law and the divorce process, in general, which is quite common among men contemplating a divorce, and which almost always receives a negative response from judges, no matter which county they serve. If a judge sniffs a hint that you think that the process isn't fair, or if a judge discerns that you care more about what you want than what is best for your kids and fair for your wife, almost every judge in every jurisdiction will burn you. If a judge gets any sense that you have that kind of attitude, you are almost certain to have a worse result in almost all matters in which the judge has any discretion, which is almost all of them in a case like yours. UPDATE July 9, 2019 To Address Additional Sub-Topics: Two areas where there are significant differences in the law between states are how infidelity is treated legally and how marital agreements are treated. Heartbalm Lawsuits One quite important issue in a handful of outlier states is the existence or lack thereof of heart balm lawsuit such as lawsuits for &quot;alienation of affections.&quot; These are lawsuits by a spouse against someone having an affair with that spouse (usually as satellite litigation parallel to a divorce). As explained here (with further sources at the link), as of 2010: [I]n fiscal years 2000–2007, there were an average of 230 alienation of affections filings in North Carolina per year — a bit over 0.5% of the number of all divorces. The tort is also recognized in Hawaii, Illinois, Mississippi, New Mexico, South Dakota, and Utah, but it seems to be often litigated only in North Carolina and (to an apparently smaller extent) in Mississippi[.] Prevailing parties have won hundreds of thousands to millions of dollars. These states also frequently allow the consideration of fault in making economic decisions in divorce cases as well (although the &quot;best interests of the child&quot; standard is the norm even in these states). The U.S. Supreme Court has declined to declare these actions unconstitutional on several occasions (usually be simply denying certiorari in cases well suited for addressing the issue). Most other states have abolished these lawsuits, and in Colorado, it is actually a crime to try to file one in its courts or to attempt to secure a settlement of such a case. In a case where infidelity is at issue, this factor can be a very significant one. Choice of law issues (i.e. determining which cases are and are not, for example, subject to the North Carolina alienation of affections tort in various complicated fact patterns with some in state facts and some out of states facts), can be very tricky, however. I am certain that this is still good law in North Carolina and Mississippi, but the status of these lawsuits in other jurisdictions may have changed in the last decade. Criminal Adultery Statutes [In] Virginia, as in 22 other [states] including Massachusetts, adultery remains a criminal act, a vestige of the way US law has anchored legitimate sexual activity within marriage. In most of those states, including New York, adultery is a misdemeanor. But in others — Massachusetts, Idaho, Michigan, Oklahoma, and Wisconsin — it is a felony, though rarely prosecuted. In the armed forces, it can be punished severely, although usually in combination with greater wrongdoing. In nearly all the rest of the industrialized world, adultery is not covered by criminal code. From the Boston Globe crediting the New York Times (November 15, 2012). As of 2019, only 19 states have criminal adultery statutes as several states have repealed this statutes since 2012. In the context of a divorce in a &quot;no fault&quot; divorce state (all states have &quot;no fault&quot; divorce, but some also have a parallel fault based divorce system or allow consideration of fault in economic decision making in the case) where there has been infidelity this creates the tricky situation where the divorce court may not consider adultery in making its decisions, even though that conduct is a crime (and sometimes even a felony) in that state. Generally speaking, these statutes are vary rarely actually prosecuted despite the fact that the &quot;crime&quot; is fairly common and is reported in those states more frequently than you would guess, as a matter of prosecutorial discretion, and generally speaking, it is not possible to prosecute this crime without the approval a prosecuting attorney who is a government official responsible to an elected official, usually a county attorney, district attorney, or state attorney general. But, the mere fact that conduct is a crime can influence how that conduct is treated in a civil case. Pre-Nup and Post-Nup Recognition The are modest differences in the extent to which different states will treat a prenuptial agreement or a post-nuptial marital agreement as valid (and there are also differences in how individual judges evaluate their state's legal standard). In a case where one of these is allegedly present this could be quite significant. For example, in some states, a marital agreement is presumptively invalid or conclusively invalid, if it is not in writing and does not have a certification from an attorney representing each party and other disclosures mandates by statute. In other states, the requirements for a marital agreement are only slightly heightened relative to an ordinary contract between strangers, although most require them to be in writing and screen them for signs of &quot;undue influence&quot; in persuading a &quot;poor spouse&quot; to give up important rights. A few states even honor oral agreements between spouses entered into before or after the marriage, if they are proven with sufficient specificity and convincing enough evidence. No states that I am aware of allow for decisions relating to child custody to be made in a marital agreement, as void because a key party (the child) does not consent to it, and do not allow the grounds for a divorce to be changes except through a &quot;covenant marriage&quot;. Most states (but not all) do not allow valid marital agreement to contain rights that depend upon marital fault. States also vary in the extent to which arbitration clauses in marital agreements (such as an agreement to submit a divorce to a Jewish rabbinical forum for arbitration) are honored. There are also choice of law issues with regard to all of these questions. Some states will apply the law of the state where the agreement was allegedly entered into in order to determine its validity, while other states will simply apply forum state law to evaluate that question regardless of where it was executed because the forum state has jurisdiction over the couple and the marriage at the time of the divorce. Neither approach is forbidden by the U.S. Constitution. Covenant Marriage Three states also have what amounts to a marital agreement since it customizes the obligations of marriage called covenant marriage that basically limits divorces to either fault based divorces or &quot;no fault&quot; divorces with much longer waiting periods than usual. Covenant marriage is a legally distinct kind of marriage in three states (Arizona, Arkansas, and Louisiana) of the United States, in which the marrying spouses agree to obtain pre-marital counseling and accept more limited grounds for later seeking divorce (the least strict of which being that the couple lives apart from each other for two years).... Despite the goals of covenant marriage proponents, in the three states with covenant marriage statutes, only an extremely small minority of newlyweds has chosen covenant marriage. In Louisiana, between 2000 and 2010, only about 1 percent of marrying couples chose a covenant marriage, with the other 99 percent choosing to marry under standard marriage laws permitting no-fault divorce. In Arizona, estimates of the rate of covenant marriage among new couples range from 0.25 percent to 1 percent. In Arkansas, a similarly very small number of couples choose covenant marriage. Covenant marriages are not necessarily recognized outside covenant marriage states, making these limitations, in practice, easy to circumvent by moving to a new residence across a state line for a short period of time. This is one of several reasons why they are not popular options for newly marrying couples.
With respect to disciplining its students and employees, a private school can basically do whatever it wants. There's more freedom to do so with respect to students than with employees, who have greater protections derived from anti-discrimination laws, collective-bargaining agreements, and the like. If a private school wants to impose a No Burger Tuesdays and a complete ban on political activity, that's probably going to be permissible. The First Amendment will protect the school's right to associate with only those who meet its standards, as absurd as those standards may be. Again, there are exceptions to this rule, like Title IX, which requires equal educational opportunities regardless of sex, but they don't have much bearing on your question. Even for a public school, there will be quite a bit of latitude here, because these rules don't actually regulate off-campus conduct. If a student wants to attend an off-campus public gathering, the campus police aren't going to lock him in his room or arrest him for leaving campus. The rule is simply that if you attend a public gathering off campus, you may not come back on campus afterward to threaten the lives of your classmates.