TEXT: RAFFAELE D’AMATO & ANDREA SALIMBETI
  ILLUSTRATED BY GIUSEPPE RAVA
  EARLY AEGEAN  
  WARRIOR 5000–1450 BC
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  RAFFAELE D’AMATO AND ANDREA SALIMBETI   ILLUSTRATED BY GIUSEPPE RAVA
  Series editor Marcus Cowper
  �������������
  EARLY AEGEAN 
  WARRIOR 5000–1450 BC
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  CONTENTS
  INTRODUCTION 
  4
  Mainland culture · Cyclades · Early Cyprus · Crete · Proto-Hellenes
  CHRONOLOGY 
  11
  MILITARY ORGANIZATION 
  12
  Greek mainland · Cycladic hunter-warriors · Ke-re-te · Minoan thalassocracy · The collapse of 
  Minoan power
  CLOTHING 
  20
  Garments · Textiles · Jewellery · Hats and headdresses · Shoes
  WEAPONS AND ARMOUR 
  23
  Spears and javelins · Swords and daggers · Slings · Axes and maces · Bows and arrows · Shields ·  
  Helmets · Body armour
  FORTIFICATIONS AND SIEGE WARFARE 
  46
  EARLY AEGEAN SHIPS AND THE NAVAL POWER OF CRETE 
  50
  THE LIFE OF A WARRIOR 
  51
  Duties in the palaces and abroad · Leisure activities · Training and discipline · Belief and belonging
  WARFARE 
  59
  SITES, MUSEUMS AND ELECTRONIC RESOURCES 
  61
  BIBLIOGRAPHY 
  61
  INDEX 
  64
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  4
  INTRODUCTION
  Evidence of human settlements in the Aegean region dates as far back as 
  prehistoric times. Their origin and development was modelled in terms of 
  large-scale processes (such as agriculture and urbanization) and by the 
  progress of civilization.
  Mainland culture
  The Greek mainland Neolithic settlement of Sesklo on Kastraki Hill dates from 
  the middle of the 7th to the 4th millennium bc. Sesklo, discovered at the end 
  of the 19th century, is considered one of the main Neolithic settlements in 
  Europe. The pottery found there forms the chronological basis for the Middle 
  Neolithic sub-periods for the whole Hellenic region (‘Sesklo civilization’). Its 
  main features are the improved firing technique used for clay pottery, which 
  produces a superb red colour, and the use of stone tools, weapons and obsidian, 
  imported from Melos. The people of this period lived by raising animals and 
  farming. In the Early Neolithic Period (6th millennium bc), the houses had 
  stone foundations, walls of unbaked mud-brick and floors of beaten clay.
  The hill of Dimini – one of the better-known Greek Neolithic settlements 
  – was inhabited almost from the beginning of the 5th millennium bc and 
  gradually evolved until 4500 bc. It has been reckoned that there were 200 or 
  at most 300 inhabitants. Among its archaeological remains (architecture, 
  pottery, tools, figurines, jewellery), all cultural achievements of the Aegean 
  society of the Late Neolithic II Period (4800–4500 bc) are represented 
  (Dimini Culture of Greek Prehistory).
  Cyclades
  According to the findings, the Cyclades had been inhabited by a native 
  population that had been arriving from the Greek mainland since the 
  Mesolithic Era (7500–6500 bc). More accurate archaeology has revealed 
  that a massive migration of a proto-Ionic farming and seafaring society, 
  coming from Asia Minor, moved to the Cyclades around 5000 bc.
  For the first time, these populations imported to the region the copper 
  utilized to make weapons, tools and objects for everyday use. About 3000 bc 
  a new wave of migration apparently occurred in the Aegean, most likely from 
  Asia Minor. These people used bronze, a revolutionary material in ancient 
  human history made from an alloy of copper and tin, thus introducing the 
  Bronze Age. Early Cycladic civilization – the forerunner of the first true 
  Greek culture – rises at about the same time as the early Egyptian and 
  Mesopotamian civilizations.
  EARLY AEGEAN WARRIOR  
  5000–1450 BC
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  5
  Modern scholars conventionally divide it into three periods: Protocycladic 
  (3200–2000 bc), Mesocycladic (2000–1550 bc) and Postcycladic (1150–1100 
  bc). During these phases Cycladic culture was at first increasingly swamped 
  by the rising influence of Minoan Crete and later of Helladic Achaea.
  Early Cyprus
  The earliest traces of human activity on Cyprus, probably short-lived 
  populations of hunter-gatherers, date to about 8800 bc. Though the evidence 
  is sketchy it seems that these visiting bands exterminated the island’s unique 
  fauna and did not establish any permanent settlements.
  The first permanent Neolithic settlements appeared towards the end of 
  the 8th millennium bc and were inhabited by small communities of farmers, 
  fishermen and hunters probably arriving from the Syro-Palestinian coast 
  and Anatolia. This culture, which takes its name from the best-known site 
  of the period, Khirokitia in the south, was short lived and had gone into 
  decline by 5500 bc.
  The second group of inhabitants, known as the Sotira culture, had no 
  connection with its predecessors, even if it sometimes occupied the same sites. 
  It is distinguished by small ornaments of picrolite (a variety of soapstone) 
  and progressively more elaborate pottery, and lived in Cyprus between 4600 
  and 3900 bc. Its economy was based on agricultural trade between its villages 
  but not with the outside world. Towards the end of this period copper came 
  into use. The decline of this culture was rapid, perhaps precipitated at least 
  in some places by an earthquake, and several sites were abandoned.
  Reconstructive drawing of the 
  Dimini fortifications, about 
  5000 BC, Athens, National 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s collection)
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  6
  The succeeding era (3900–
  2500 bc) is known as the 
  Chalcolithic Period (literally, 
  copper-stone age). This period 
  represents a transitional stage 
  between the Neolithic and 
  the  Early Bronze Age, and 
  is  characterized by the 
  appearance in Cyprus of the 
  first metal objects, mainly 
  small tools of hammered 
  copper. It is still unclear 
  whether copper-working was 
  a local invention or imported 
  from the East. There are no 
  indications of systematic extraction of copper on Cyprus during this period. 
  On the other hand, the evidence of maritime trade is limited to small 
  quantities of obsidian from Asia Minor. The economy continued to be based 
  on agriculture, although gradually developments such as the use of seals, the 
  construction of special installations for worship and increasing diversity in 
  burial habits appeared, suggesting relatively complex forms of social 
  organization. Of particular interest are the abstract female figurines, 
  fashioned from the local stone picrolite, which allude to fertility cults, 
  continuing a long Neolithic tradition.
  The transition from the Chalcolithic to 
  the Early Bronze Age was marked by radical 
  changes, most likely caused either by 
  population migration from the coast of 
  Asia  Minor or by internal developments. 
  Old  settlements were abandoned and new 
  ones were founded close to sources of water 
  and tracts of arable land. The systematic 
  exploitation of the rich copper ore deposits 
  on the island began in this period with 
  techniques of mining, smelting and working 
  that were possibly introduced from the 
  Near  East, where metallurgy was already 
  advanced. By the end of the Early Bronze 
  Age, the Cypriot bronzesmiths had developed 
  their own tradition, producing distinctive 
  types of weapons and tools. Nonetheless, 
  trade continued to be limited and farming 
  continued to form the basis of the economy.
  During the Middle Bronze Age, Cyprus 
  developed more complex forms of social 
  organization partly due to increased trading 
  connections with neighbouring cultures. The 
  pronounced differences in wealth, observed in 
  burials, point to more strictly defined social 
  divisions. Many settlements were fortified, 
  probably in response to domestic conflicts 
  Selection of copper daggers 
  from: a) Haghia Marina (Phocis), 
  b) Haghios Dimitrios (Triphylia), 
  Late-Final Neolithic (c.5300–
  3200 BC). Chaironeia Museum 
  n. inv. 698α, 698β, Olympia 
  Museum, M1324. (Drawing 
  by Andrea Salimbeti ex 
  Papathanasopoulos)
  Selection of copper daggers 
  from Dimini and Sesklo 
  (c.4800–3300 BC). (Drawing 
  by Andrea Salimbeti)
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  7
  rather than to external threats. 
  Religion acquired more complex 
  forms of expression, with specific cult 
  sites and elaborate ritual trappings. The presence of permanent metallurgical 
  installations confirms the increasing importance of copper for the island and 
  there is sound evidence of trade with the Syro-Palestinian coast, Egypt, Anatolia 
  and Minoan Crete. Moreover, the earliest Mesopotamian and Egyptian texts 
  referring to a ‘copper-producing land called Alashiya’ (identified as Cyprus by 
  many scholars) date to this period.
  During the Late Bronze Age, Cyprus came into its own as a major centre 
  of copper production, supplying the entire Eastern Mediterranean. Urban 
  settlements grew up close to the harbours from which copper ingots and 
  bronze artefacts were shipped to the Aegean, the Middle East and Egypt to be 
  bartered or exchanged for other products and luxury goods. In the larger cities, 
  buildings were erected for administrative purposes, while a still-undeciphered 
  system of writing (about 1500 bc) was adopted from Crete (Cypro-Minoan 
  script), enabling the Cypriots to cope with the increasing bureaucratic need for 
  inventories and archives.
  Crete
  Minoan pre-Hellenic Bronze Age 
  civilization originated with a mix 
  of native people from the Greek 
  mainland and from the Eastern 
  Mediterranean, who are believed 
  by some scholars to have migrated 
  from Asia Minor to Crete and 
  other islands of the Aegean Sea 
  during the late Neolithic Period.
  Different skull types discovered 
  during excavation confirm the mix 
  of racial elements in the Aegean 
  islands (Asians, Africans and 
  Europeans). In general terms, 
  however, the Minoans form part of 
  the so-called ‘Mediterranean type’; 
  Selection of weapons in copper 
  and gold from Leukas, family 
  grave R (4th millennium BC) 
  ex Dorpfeld, 1927. 
  (Author’s collection)
  Selection of bronze weapons, 
  razors and arrow heads in 
  obsidian from Leukas, family 
  grave S (4th millennium BC) 
  ex Dorpfeld, 1927. 
  (Author’s collection)
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  8
  they were mainly of medium height and had 
  black curly hair and brown eyes. The term 
  ‘Minoan’ was used for the first time by the 
  British archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans after 
  the mythical King Minos, associated with 
  the Labyrinth, which Evans identified as the 
  Palace of Knossos. It is unknown what 
  the Minoans called themselves, although the 
  Egyptian place name Keftiu and the Semite 
  Kaftor or Caphtor both evidently refer to 
  Minoan Crete. In a later age the tablets in 
  Linear B found on Knossos, mention, in the 
  early form of Greek, the name of Ke-re-te as 
  opposed to that of A-ka-wi-ja-de, thus 
  assuming an ethnic distinction between the 
  earlier inhabitants of Crete and the later 
  Achaean invaders.
  Proto-Hellenes
  The Indo-European population migrated from Central and Northern 
  Europe around 2000–1800 bc. These new people spread all over the Greek 
  mainland and islands, mixing with the early Aegean inhabitants, becoming 
  the Achaean people.
  The ethnic change is confirmed by a new language. All extant forms of 
  ancient Greek clearly derive from a common ancestor called Proto-Indo-
  European, a language that engendered a large number of other languages 
  found across much of the Eurasian continent, from India to Norway. These 
  closely related tongues show that the Indo-Europeans must have migrated 
  over thousands of miles in different directions, settling in lands across a wide 
  swath of the Eurasian continent. The Indo-Europeans tended to enter a region 
  in successive waves. They rarely migrated into an area just once, and Greece 
  was no exception. As early as 2000 bc one Indo-European contingent had 
  begun infiltrating the Greek peninsula and by the end of that millennium at 
  least three major discrete migrations of these intruders had surged across 
  various parts of Greece.
  8
  EARLY CONTINENTAL AEGEAN SIEGE WARFARE, SESKLO, ABOUT 4400 BC
  The scene represents the hypothetical incursion of raiders against the fortified Neolithic 
  settlement of Sesklo. Note the house reconstruction based upon the work of the archaeologist 
  in the Volos Museum. ��� The ‘Pelasgian’ citadel leader is brandishing a copper axe and wears 
  a splendid example of a copper dagger inserted in leather and copper belt. Jewellery, such as 
  earrings, necklaces and bracelets, was commonly worn as a status symbol by both genders during 
  this period. On the leader’s head is a primitive form of pilos cap, fitted with horns similar to those 
  discovered in a steatite statuette of the period, probably reflecting the worship of the bull and 
  the sacral character of the leader. ��� The body of this hunter-warrior is covered in tattoos in red 
  minium, similar to those on the acrolithic statuettes of Dimini. Note the obsidian arrowheads and 
  the primitive shape of the bow, reconstructed according to archaeological findings and graffiti. 
  His simple but effective hide clothing was probably very common in Neolithic settlements in 
  the Aegean region. ��� This man represents one of the elite warriors of the citadel who formed 
  the bodyguard of the leader. His spear and the hypothetical reconstruction of his square shield 
  (some scholars draw comparison with those of Middle East Sumerian culture) indicate the 
  possibility of fighting in a pre-phalanx formation.
  A
  Miniature gold double 
  axes from Arkalokhori 
  dated 3000–2000 BC. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  9
  1
  2
  3
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  10
  Important data about this migration can be deduced from the genealogies 
  of these ‘Hellenes’ compiled in historic age. The most salient feature of these 
  genealogies is that they present a conglomerate of mutually irreducible 
  branches, each of which can be traced to its own separate origins. This 
  heterogeneity strongly suggests that the genealogical lore of ‘Hellenes’ 
  envisaged as the populations inhabiting Greece in the 2nd millennium bc did 
  not have the same origin. The genealogies reflect an initial association of the 
  proper Hellenes with central and northern Greece, and their subsequent 
  infiltration into the Peloponnese, which was inhabited by the so-called 
  descendants of Inachus and other non-Hellenic groups. The latter, in the 
  course of time, became part of a larger body of Hellenes defined linguistically 
  and culturally rather than on strictly tribal grounds.
  The presence of newcomer princes in the genealogies could reflect therefore 
  a major geo-political change, indicating the gradual dispersal of the Hellenic 
  elements over the Aegean Sea. Judging by the fact that the newcomers are 
  invariably represented as marrying into local ruling families and subsequently 
  intermingling with them, the dispersal of the Hellenes over the Aegean region 
  was not thought to be necessarily accompanied by violence. The archaeological 
  and linguistic evidence partially agrees with this picture, especially with regard 
  to the Peloponnesus. At an earlier stage, there are few breaks in the 
  continuation of the same material culture between MH and LH periods, 
  except for there being a more pronounced military character to their society.
  The introduction of the newcomers was not always peaceful however, 
  especially when they moved to the islands and Crete. Saeger found some 
  evidence on Mochlos, where he came across masses of charred human bones 
  in LM IB houses. Also, on the same island, at the beginning of LM II, attackers 
  targeted ceremonial buildings, which were centres of Minoan worship and 
  housed objects associated with the Minoan goddess. At that time it was in the 
  best interest of the Achaeans to eliminate rival centres of Minoan power and 
  any resistance to their occupation of Ke-re-te cosmological centres.
  Achaean society was centred on warfare; its warrior elite was structured 
  to maintain its power and government through warfare. Crete and the islands, 
  after the gradual expansion on the mainland, were the targets of the military 
  victories that the Achaean warrior elite required to sustain itself.
  Copper and bronze weapons 
  from the Cycladic islands and 
  Crete, 2800–1900 BC. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  a) copper leaf-shaped dagger, 
  2800–2300 BC from Amorgos 
  (ECII)
  b) copper leaf-shaped dagger, 
  2300 BC from Cyclades
  c) copper leaf-shaped 
  spearhead, 2300 BC from 
  Cyclades
  d) prepalatial dagger from 
  Zintas, Crete.
  (Author’s photo, courtesy of the 
  museum)
  D
  C
  A
  B
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  CHRONOLOGY
  BC
  c.21,000 
  Paleolithic man-made stone wall within a cave in 
  Theopetra near Kalambaka on the northern edge of 
  the Thessalian Plain.
  c.7000–4400 
  Proto-ceramic/Early Neolithic settlement of Sesklo in 
  Thessaly.
  c.7000 
  Proto-ceramic/Early Neolithic settlement in the Knossos 
  region of Crete.
  c.4800–4500 
  Middle/Late Neolithic settlement of Dimini in Thessaly.
  c.3100 
  Start of Bronze Age culture on mainland Greece, 
  the Cyclades and Crete.
  c.3100–1900 
  Minoan Prepalatial Period on Crete (EM I–III & MM IA).
  c.3000–2600 
  Initial settlement in Troy I.
  c.2700–2000 
  Organized settlements in the Cyclades.
  c.2600–2300 
  Period of EM II pottery.
  c.2500–2200 
  Early Bronze Age strong fortified settlement of Lerna 
  in Argolis.
  c.2400 
  Destruction of Troy II.
  c.2000–1800 
  Migration from Central Europe/Asia Minor to mainland 
  Greece.
  c.1930 
  Building of the first huge labyrinth in Knossos. 
  c.1930–1700 
  Social and political development of the Minoan Protopalatial 
  Period on Crete (MM IB–IIB). Destruction of most of the 
  earlier Cretan palaces at the end of this period.
  c.1700–1450 
  Minoan Neopalatial Period on Crete (MM III–LM IB). 
  Minoan colonies formed across the Southern Aegean, 
  from Kithera to Jasos. Building of the Minoan trading 
  empire and thalassocracy. Trading posts established  
  with force.
  c.1700–1200 
  Troy VI established by Neo-Trojans.
  c.1650–1550 
  Grave Circle B at Mycenae (LH I).
  c.1650 
  Foundation of Hattusas-Bogazkoy by Hattusili I.
  c.1628 
  Cataclysmic eruption of Thera (Santorini).
  c.1600 
  Cyclades under Minoan influence.
  c.1550–1425 
  Grave Circle A at Mycenae (LH I–IIB).
  c.1500–1450 
  Zenith of the Neopalatial Cretan civilization in art and 
  architecture; destruction of Mochlos, Achaeans at Knossos, 
  Phaistos, Haghia Triada, Kydonia and Malia on Crete 
  (Linear B), and the Cyclades (LM 1B–II).
  Beginning of LM II 
  Achaean rulers well established in Knossos; second 
  (1440–1425)  
  destruction of Mochlos and desecration by external 
  intruders of its important ceremonial building in the 
  last quarter of 15th century bc.
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  MILITARY ORGANIZATION
  Greek mainland
  Very little is known about the military organization of the first ‘Greek armies’ 
  from the 9th millennium to the 3rd millennium bc, which coincides with the 
  beginning of Cycladic civilization. The weapon finds can tell us nothing 
  about the existence of true armies; armed groups were probably organized 
  only on a tribal basis. As confirmed by the archaeological evidence, the first 
  organized armies started to exist only when the various groups of nomad 
  hunters began to settle and to farm, developing the concept 
  of property and of social stratification, and the necessity to 
  protect their community.
  From 6000 bc more can be understood, particularly about 
  the military tactics and weaponry of the early inhabitants 
  of  the mainland. In Sesklo (5800–4400 bc) the Greek 
  archaeologists Tsountas and Theokaris discovered the house 
  of a military leader at the top of the acropolis. This leader 
  would have had his own guard, either to protect him and the 
  acropolis or the inhabitants. Based on Theokaris’ studies we 
  can estimate the number of citizens at about 2,500–4,000 
  persons, the number of warriors can be calculated at around 
  800–1,000 men, ten per cent of whom probably formed the 
  chief’s personal guard.
  The fossil remains of small horses have also been found by 
  the archaeologist Aris Poulianos suggesting that, especially in 
  Thessaly, these horses were tamed and raised by the first 
  organized communities. The employment of these animals for 
  war is however not confirmed.
  Cycladic hunter-warriors
  The few so far attested hunter-warrior figurines date to the 
  end of the Early Cycladic II Period (2800–2300 bc), mainly 
  from Syros, Naxos and Kea. Some researchers have linked 
  their appearance with the upheavals observed in the Aegean 
  region in this period, which were accompanied by violent 
  destruction and the capture or abandonment of a significant 
  number of settlements in the Aegean and Asia Minor.
  The general impression given by graves and statuettes is 
  of a society of hunter-warriors, distinguished by their social 
  rank, at the head of villages defended by strong fortifications. 
  The use of metal was not limited to combat but was also 
  enveloped in symbolism. It was also used to create prestigious 
  objects. Moreover, weapons appear to have been successively 
  repaired, possibly as a way of preserving their connection 
  with a glorified past or heroic individuals. Other metal 
  objects, such as diadems and grooming utensils, need to be 
  viewed in the light of growing emphasis on social and 
  personal identity.
  The limited number of metal objects, as well as their 
  restricted circulation, further supports the special social 
  standing of hunter-warriors, especially as poorly furnished 
  Cycladic male statuettes, 
  c.2800–2000 BC. Note the 
  Aegean pilos, a conical cap or 
  hat that could also function as 
  military headgear, as in classical 
  Greece. a) Athens, National 
  Archaeological Museum; 
  b) Athens, Museum 
  of Cycladic Art. 
  (Author’s collection)
  A
  B
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  13
  graves were the norm in the Cyclades. Nevertheless, the ornate appearance 
  of some of the weapons suggests that there may have been a thin line 
  between actual fighting/hunting duties and the status associated with such 
  activities. The impetus behind Cycladic warfare may have been the 
  acquisition of prestige goods, animals or crops.
  The communities of hunter-warriors were possibly formed not only by 
  men. Some of the Cycladic hunter-warrior figurines seem to be anatomically 
  male and female or ambiguous. On the whole, scholars entertain various 
  possible explanations:
  1) Third-gender individuals existed and could assume a special role in relation 
  to warfare/hunting activities.
  2) Sexually ambiguous hunter-warrior figurines represented mythical beings.
  3) Representations of the female form and warrior insignia were compatible 
  in the minds of the prehistoric audience, recognizing actual or mythical female 
  hunter-warriors.
  4) Women were ‘transformed’ into men by crossing from one gender to 
  another, possibly in line with age, status or lineage. Alternatively, the legend 
  of tribes of warrior women was born in this period, as in the myth of the 
  Amazons, and we cannot exclude, in a society in which the main divinity was 
  probably female, that women took part in war together with men.
  The objects that have been found in tombs do not conclusively indicate 
  whether both men and women were hunter-warriors. Possibly age, descent 
  and ancestry, rather than gender, may have been the underlying criteria for 
  distinguishing social status in the Early Bronze Age Cyclades.
  Cycladic long dagger and 
  arrowhead, c.2700–2300 BC, 
  from Amorgos. Found in a 
  grave together with statuettes, 
  the blade still showed traces of 
  tinning. The hilt, made from 
  perishable material, has not 
  survived and was fixed to 
  the blade by two rivets, 
  one of which is still visible. 
  Louvre Museum, Paris. 
  (Author’s collection)
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  Ke-re-te
  The first attested civilization of Crete, the 
  Minoan, shows us that its inhabitants were 
  not without weapons. They deposited arms as 
  ritual offerings in cave sanctuaries and graves, 
  weapons that were certainly used both for 
  war and hunting. The men are often depicted 
  as figurines wearing daggers hanging from 
  their belts. Nevertheless, the whole panoply 
  of weapons and military equipment began 
  to be available to the Minoans only shortly 
  before the invasion of Crete by the Achaeans, 
  and was the result of commercial exchanges 
  between the Minoans and cities on the 
  mainland. The first evidence of use of chariots 
  and horses in the Aegean seems to be no 
  earlier than LM I or LH I, also probably 
  linked with the influence and the arrival of 
  the warlike Achaeans.
  In the ferocious world of the Bronze Age 
  the Minoans were no different from their 
  neighbours in their attitude to military 
  aggression. However we do not know a lot 
  about their military organization. Indigenous 
  troops under local aristocratic leaders, under 
  the nominal leadership of the princes of the 
  main cities, formed the main military 
  manpower, although it might also be possible to identify 
  mercenaries, as suggested by the ‘Captain of Blacks’ fresco. 
  The army was mainly infantry, fighting without the support 
  of war chariots.
  Until the occupation of Knossos by the Achaeans, the 
  proportion of the Cretan population engaged in military 
  service probably remained more or less constant; Crete was 
  protected by its fleet and the vast distance of water that 
  separated it from its neighbours. However, according to 
  Faure and his study of Minoan art, warriors formed 
  the second tier of Minoan society. The king was at the top 
  of the army, but he could not be present everywhere. While 
  the palace established military orders, the equipment used 
  by warriors and on ships and the number of troops and 
  their ranks, it is obvious that the recruitment, composition 
  and movement of the units were the responsibility of 
  the officers.
  The high dignitaries held military charges and became 
  rich with booty taken from the enemy, as well as with the 
  income (kama) from the estates awarded them by the kings 
  or princes. Aristotle said that the caste system, still present 
  in Crete during his time, was already in existence in Minos’ 
  age, and, as in Egypt, the warriors were a class distinguished 
  from the farm-settlers.
  BELOW Copper weapons from 
  Cyprus, 2300–1650 BC.
  1) copper knives, from tomb 
  105, Vounous, 2300–2075 BC; 
  that on the left is in 
  arsenical copper
  2) spearheads with hooked 
  tangs, 2000–1900 BC
  3) spear points with hooked 
  tangs, 1900–1650 BC
  4) spear point with hooked 
  tang made of arsenical copper, 
  1900–1650 BC
  London, British Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy of 
  the museum)
  RIGHT Statuette of Cycladic 
  warrior, 2300 BC, possibly 
  from Naxos. The Cycladic 
  hunter-warrior is represented 
  with a baldric, a belt occasionally 
  attached to a penis sheath, and 
  dagger, which are attributes 
  taken to represent military 
  insignia. Note the incised 
  ornamentation of the baldric. 
  Copy from Athens, 
  Museum of Cycladic Art. 
  (Author’s collection)
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  15
  Minoan thalassocracy
  The Minoans were, in the main, an important trading community throughout 
  the Mediterranean, involved in trading tin, copper, gold, silver and ceramics. 
  However, the vision created by Evans of a pax Minoica should be revised in 
  the face of the ever-growing evidence that the Minoans engaged in major 
  internal armed conflict and acted aggressively towards other societies.
  According to the 5th-century Greek historians, the Minoans created 
  a  thalassocracy in the Aegean, the first ‘maritime’ empire in history. 
  Thucydides’ account acknowledges that it rests on tradition: ‘Minos, 
  according to tradition, was the first person to organize a navy. He did 
  control the greater part of what is now the Aegean Sea; he ruled over the 
  Cyclades, in most of which he founded the first colonies, putting his sons in 
  as governors after having driven out the Carians. And it is reasonable to 
  suppose that he did his best to put down piracy in order to secure his own 
  revenues.’ Herodotus has more information regarding Minos and Minoan 
  sea power; he says that Polycrates of Samos was ‘the first Greek we know of 
  to plan a dominion of the sea, unless we count Minos of Knossos’. According 
  to him, Crete was inhabited in ancient times by non-Greek peoples, 
  dominated by a king called Minos of mythical origin. In the Histories, he 
  describes a massive Cretan naval expedition to the town of Camicus in 
  Sicily, which led to the destruction of the Cretan 
  fleet in a storm, as a result of which the shipwrecked 
  Cretans settled in Sicily, leaving Crete depopulated 
  – after which it was settled by the Greeks (7.171f.). 
  Furthermore, Herodotus dates Minos to three 
  generations before the Trojan War (7.172); in other 
  words, the mid- to late 14th century bc, which 
  places Minos 100 years after the Greek conquest of 
  Crete and, therefore, makes him an Achaean 
  warlord, not a pre-Greek Minoan.
  Pottery model of a dagger 
  probably made in northern 
  Cyprus, about 2200–2000 BC. 
  This very interesting ceramic 
  (red polished) model of a 
  dagger and its decorated 
  sheath have been found in 
  the cemetery of Vounous, 
  Cyprus. British Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
  Cycladic copper dagger 
  and spear point dated 
  about 2200–2000 BC. 
  Athens Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  16
  Although some scholars, such as Chester Starr, 
  dismiss the existence of any Minoan sea empire, others 
  try to extract historical information from the accounts 
  of the 5th-century historians, in combination with 
  archaeological discoveries. Thucydides’ information 
  seems very circumstantial, and the ‘traditions’ from 
  which he gleaned his information both remembered 
  the existence of a Minoan sea power and offered detail 
  about it. Archaeology has proved that the Minoans 
  had established a significant colonial presence in the 
  Cyclades, just as Thucydides says. It is also clear that 
  Minoan trade routes extended throughout the Aegean 
  and the eastern Mediterranean. Aside from Minos’ 
  organization of the first navy and creation of an 
  Aegean thalassocracy, Thucydides provides neither a 
  chronological framework for his statements nor any 
  indication of Minos’ ethnicity; Minos could just as 
  well have been a Greek ruler of Crete as a pre-Greek 
  Minoan. The Minoan settlements on the Cyclades 
  might not have been colonial possessions of Crete but 
  they could equally have been independent, as were 
  later Greek colonies. The existence of some sort of 
  Minoan thalassocracy cannot be proved, but perhaps 
  it seems more likely than not. Clearly, the Minoans 
  were a seafaring people, dependent on maritime trade 
  for raw materials, especially copper and tin, the 
  constituent elements of bronze. They had a particular 
  need to secure the sea routes on which goods travelled 
  to and from their island. To protect their trade against 
  piracy, the Minoans would have needed not just to 
  build a navy, but also to extend their political control 
  beyond Crete. They would have needed to deprive the 
  pirates of bases by capturing and occupying the islands 
  that pirates used. This could confirm Thucydides’ 
  claim about ruling over the Cyclades and ‘colonizing’ 
  its islands.
  16
  CYCLADIC SETTLEMENT AND FORTRESS IN KASTRI-CHALANDRIANI, SYROS, 
  ABOUT 2300 BC
  ��� The warrior is copied from a statuette from Syros. He wears a prototype Greek pilos, made from 
  organic material. The spear, from Amorgos, has its point attached to the shaft by means of holes 
  in the blade. Note the dagger from the same locality, worn inside a typical baldric in red leather, 
  decorated in a herringbone pattern. ��� The design of circular and geometrical tattoos on the 
  body of this hunter can be seen on the remains of a number of statuettes. The early bow, wood 
  reinforced with goat’s horn and sinews, is copied from a specimen represented on a mosaic 
  from Knossos. In Cycladic graves a connection is noticeable between weapons and bone tubes, 
  which often contained blue azurite pigments (in the Manika cemetery these are predominantly 
  associated with female skeletons). The kind of female garment seen here worn by this priestess 
  ���, in the colours of the Dama of Phylakopi and in the tradition of coloured Aegean clothes, bears 
  close similarity with Sumerian and Mesopotamian costumes and is also represented on an early 
  Minoan ivory cylinder from Knossos, dated around 2100 BC. Note her rich jewels, taken from 
  specimens from Mochlos and Archanés.
  B
  Minoan warrior 
  reconstruction, from a 
  votive statuette of 2000 BC. 
  The modelled daggers attached 
  to male figurines from peak 
  sanctuaries and elsewhere 
  suggest that in Pre- and 
  Protopalatial Periods the 
  male warrior’s social identity 
  was defined, at least in part, by 
  the possession and carrying 
  of a weapon. (Drawing by 
  Andrea Salimbeti ex Houston)
  Cycladic hunter-warrior 
  statuette, believed to be 
  from Syros. The figure bears 
  a modelled penis sheath 
  attached to a belt. The penis 
  sheath could be interpreted as 
  an anatomical feature or could 
  be viewed as male apparel 
  worn on an anatomically 
  female body. In a society that 
  condoned flexibility of gender, 
  one gender may have been 
  deliberately associated with 
  insignia of the other gender, 
  especially if both participated 
  in military and hunting 
  practices. (Drawing by 
  Andrea Salimbeti ex Mina)
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  The collapse of Minoan power
  We know with certainty, both from mythology and onomastics, that many 
  Hellenes were living in Crete even before they conquered the island. All we 
  know for sure is that Greeks from the mainland replaced native Minoans 
  in control of the palace at Knossos in the middle of the 15th century bc. 
  This transition was accompanied by the destruction of the other palaces, 
  showing that the replacement was violent. If the Minoans had command 
  of the sea, it is hard to imagine how the Greeks could have mounted a 
  successful invasion and conquest of Crete by launching an amphibious 
  attack on the island. We should however remember that by now the Greeks 
  Bronze dagger with gold 
  hilt from Crete, dated  
  2000–1800 BC. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
  Votive figure from 
  Petsophàs-Klisomeni dated 
  19th–17th century BC. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
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  19
  had certainly become wealthy. Mainland culture had blossomed after the 
  eruption on Thera, with large palaces appearing at numerous locations and 
  rich burial remains testifying to the wealth of the rulers.
  We can only speculate about the way in which the Greeks came to conquer 
  Crete. What is a matter of fact is that, as suggested by Catling, the differences 
  between the three main LM II–LM IIIA1 cemeteries of Knossos, i.e. Zapher 
  Papoura, Ayos Ioannis-New Hospital Site and Sellopoulo, probably reflect 
  the mixed composition of the new Knossian ruling class between 1450 and 
  1380 bc. These tombs display specific Achaean features, while the cemeteries 
  of Mavro Spelio and Gypsadhes may more convincingly be related to the 
  Minoan community. Surprising new Achaean military graves were recently 
  found in Khanià-Kydonia at the end of 2003, contemporary and similar to 
  the Knossos graves and revealing a great amount of military equipment.
  The occupation of Knossos also had a strong impact on the other Cretan 
  communities in terms of military organization. It created a sudden need for 
  soldiers, a need that could be met only by drawing from the population in 
  the countryside. At the very time when there was a great demand for 
  agricultural workers, the occupation required that these workers perform 
  military service. The previous Cretan elite focused on ritual and religious 
  matters, but now organizational skills were required with a focus on military 
  organization and strategy. However, a possible central authority was wiped 
  out with the occupation of Knossos, and the following Minoan collapse was 
  the result of imbalance between the need for military personnel to counter 
  the invaders and the need to feed a growing population. The Cretans 
  outnumbered the Achaeans, but barbarian raiders always had certain 
  advantages over state-organized defenders. Great mobility is one of the most 
  important factors, since the Achaeans could come and go as they wished; 
  they could lose many battles without losing the war, whereas the defenders 
  of the palaces could lose only once and their palace would become a base 
  for invaders. Fighting with superior weapons, horses and chariots, the 
  Achaeans also had the advantage over the Minoan infantry forces. When the 
  large supplies of food stored in the palace fell into enemy hands, Minoan 
  Crete fell.
  Group of Minoan bronze short 
  swords from Iraklion and Ziba 
  dated from 1800–1700 BC. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  20
  CLOTHING
  Garments
  There are no representations showing the garments used by the Aegean 
  Neolithic people but, based on later images, we can assume they were generally 
  naked or wearing just a small kilt to protect their genitals, although it is probable 
  during the cold season that they could have worn simple bell-shaped skirts or 
  capes made from sheepskin. Cycladic sculpture shows in fact that the majority 
  of people generally went naked, with parts of the body painted in blue and red. 
  Some hunter-warriors are represented wearing a kind of belt with a garment for 
  genital protection, and the women sometimes wore a long decorated skirt or a 
  flounced cloak.
  Minoans wore a variety of complex coloured garments that were sewn 
  together in very much the same way that modern garments are made; they 
  made skirts and blouses that were shaped to the body of the wearer. The 
  ancient Minoan men wore only loincloths, which were small pieces of 
  fabric wrapped around the waist to cover the genitals. They were made from 
  a wide variety of materials, such as linen, leather or thick wool, and decorated 
  with bright colours and patterns. Many had a decorative application or 
  sheath that covered and protected the penis, and some had long aprons in the 
  front and back with tassels or a fringe. While early Minoan men usually went 
  bare-chested, in the later years of Minoan civilization they often wore simple 
  tunics and long robes. A tiny waist was prized, and both men and women 
  wore tight belts made of metal, which held their waists in. Some scholars 
  believe that these belts must have been worn since early childhood, forcing 
  the waist to stop growing.
  Unfortunately, very few fragments of clothing have survived Crete’s 
  temperate, damp climate. The evolution of Cretan costume during different 
  periods of Cretan and Aegean civilization is however well documented in art.
  Warriors and princes, like other men, wore a loincloth, which varied in 
  shape according to the material used. The loincloth could be arranged like a 
  short skirt or a double apron. It generally finished at the back in a point that 
  was sometimes lengthened and turned up resembling an animal’s tail. Another 
  loincloth could be worn over the first, but back to front, forming a flounce 
  20
  ���������������������������������
  ��� The Cycladic princes and leaders made use of jewellery as symbols of social status. Apart from 
  weapons, a whole range of new metal items, such as jewellery and toilet articles, also make their 
  appearance in the Aegean Early Bronze Age, marking an emphasis on the physical body and 
  status. Note his religious azurite skin painting and the elaborate dagger, as well as his penis 
  sheath. ��� A Ke-re-te male warrior costume from a statuette from Kampos (Laconia). He wears 
  a small loincloth, which would be of wool or linen, and a metal belt made of bronze or copper. 
  The long hair is wrapped in a net or hood. He holds a typical Minoan dagger and wears high 
  white boots. The bronze double axe was indicative of religious and political power.
  Some examples of swords (Naxos, Malia, Aegina) and daggers (Cyprus, Crete, Malia) are 
  illustrated here with a reconstruction of a hypothetical linen scabbard, restored from fragments 
  still found attached to the blade. The pointed blade of the spears (samples come from Amorgos, 
  Arkesine and Malia) was pierced with holes through which a cord could be threaded. This method 
  was prevalent even at the beginning of the second millennium, having originated in Anatolia in 
  the second half of the third millennium. In the background three different warrior heads are 
  reconstructed from a) and b) Cretan seals and c) Phaistos disk, the last wearing a conical 
  helmet, possibly copper.
  C
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  1
  2
  C
  B
  A
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  22
  that extended to mid-thigh with 
  two points, one each at the front 
  and back. The men’s thin waists 
  were accentuated by cloth belts 
  heavily decorated with metal.
  Ceremonial attire consisted of 
  a long, tunic-shaped gown made 
  in bright colours with rich 
  embroidery. It was reserved for 
  princes, nobility and priests. A 
  short cape or a cloak made from 
  animal skin or wool was worn 
  over the loincloth or gown for 
  warmth. Men of any rank or status roamed freely in the nude.
  Textiles
  Early Minoans wore animal skins, but by 3000 bc they had mastered the art 
  of weaving flax and, later, wool. Proof that spinning and weaving were 
  already known in Neolithic communities is furnished by the discovery of 
  numerous spindle weights.
  Everything connected with clothing, from sheep-shearing to cutting cloth, 
  was a domestic occupation, but dyeing was done by skilled professionals. The 
  industry used vegetable pigments as well as the purple extracted from shellfish.
  Jewellery
  Many of the jewellery items that survived from the Minoan Period were found 
  in tombs, buried with their owners. The average Minoan wore necklaces of 
  stone, while the wealthy proudly displayed beads of blue steatite or blue paste 
  (imitating lapis lazuli), agate, amethyst, cornelian or rock crystal, or metal 
  plates. Mixed with these beads were pendants bearing animal, bird or human 
  motifs. Pendants and earrings were very popular, for both men and women.
  Hats and headdresses
  Hats included high caps, pointed hats, berets, turbans and even tri-corns, 
  perhaps with ritual significance, decorated with rosettes and crowned with a 
  curled plume or ribbon. Some hats had white trimmings, others black. 
  Minoan men wore their hair in a long wavy style.
  Shoes
  The main representations of Cycladic hunters show them mostly barefoot. 
  However, we cannot exclude the possibility that footwear could have been 
  rendered in colour on statuettes.
  Cretans went barefoot indoors, but many wore shoes outside. In particular 
  the upper class never showed themselves in public without shoes or sandals, 
  although warriors are often represented barefoot. The shoes of high functionaries 
  and the military elite were finely worked and attached above the ankles with 
  thick thongs, as shown in the ‘Master seal’ of Khanià. Minoans’ shoe types 
  included slipper shoes, moccasin-style socks, sandals and high, closed boots for 
  travelling. The main warrior’s footwear was a white half-boot made of white 
  leather or chamois, reaching to the calf. Their boots could also be red with 
  thongs tied seven times round the leg.
  A-type sword from Aegina, 
  dated about 1700 BC. One of 
  the earliest A-type bronze 
  swords dated about 1700 BC 
  is attributed to Aegina. In this 
  interesting specimen the tang 
  and the shoulders show eight 
  rivets for fixing the handgrip 
  and one rivet on top of the 
  tang used for the upper knob. 
  This sword is 79.1cm long. The 
  sword-makers were conscious 
  of the weakness of the separate 
  handle in the early models and 
  attempted to compensate for 
  it by attaching a tang, an 
  elongation of the blade, 
  which was enclosed by 
  the handle for extra support. 
  (Drawing by Andrea Salimbeti 
  ex Kilian-Dirlmeier)
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  WEAPONS AND ARMOUR
  During the Paleolithic Period the first weapon finds mainly consist of arrow 
  points, spear and javelin heads made of stone. In the successive Neolithic 
  Period the weapons did not show any substantial difference until the 
  introduction of copper.
  In contrast to Anatolia and the Near East, the earliest stages in the 
  development of Mediterranean metallurgy appear only after about 5500 bc. 
  During the late Neolithic Period in the Aegean (c.5500–4500 bc), copper 
  pins turn up at Dikili Tash, Paradeissos and Kitsos Cave, while two small 
  daggers have been recovered from Aya Marina in Phocis. It was only during 
  the following final Neolithic Period (c.4500–3700 bc), however, that Aegean 
  metallurgy began to flourish. Copper, gold, silver and lead artefacts have 
  been recovered from at least 12 different sites, including large assemblages 
  of metal finds, such as at Zas Cave on Naxos and copper daggers from 
  Dimini and Sesklo.
  The true revolution in weapon making was when, in about 4000–3000 bc, 
  the first inhabitants of present-day Greece began to work in bronze and brass. 
  Metal weapons appear on most of the Aegean islands a little before the middle 
  of the 3rd millennium bc. The most common offensive weapons found were 
  spearheads, daggers, swords and arrowheads.
  Bronze tangles dagger 
  of Type II variant A with 
  gold hilt from Malia, dated 
  18th–17th century BC. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
  Minoan swords from a grave 
  in Malia, 1700–1600 BC. Other 
  early A-type blades appear to 
  be those from MM II Malia, 
  produced by an established 
  weapons workshop. These 
  rapiers were often exported 
  to the Greek mainland 
  and dispersed among the 
  warlike Achaean warlords. 
  These swords, like all type A 
  examples, have pronounced 
  edges and are more similar to 
  medieval and early-Renaissance 
  cut-and-thrust long swords. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  24
  The mining of local metal in Neolithic settlements confirms the in situ 
  development of Aegean metallurgy, contradicting earlier theories that raw 
  materials and objects were introduced only from the East and/or the Balkans. 
  The Aegean region was at the time one of the regions that received (via 
  exchanges with the rest of the Neolithic world) metallurgical knowledge 
  and developed it in situ. The greater importance of metal weapons is in 
  evidence in the Aegean after the Early Bronze Age, especially with respect 
  to ‘cutting-edge’ weapons of tin-alloyed copper such as long daggers with 
  strong midribs and spearheads.
  Spears and javelins
  Hunting and the defence of livestock from predators are likely to have been 
  the main purposes for which most members of the population would own 
  a weapon.
  Spears and javelins are the most common weapons used in the Aegean 
  region. Even if no complete wooden shaft has survived, artistic representations 
  can give a reasonable indication of the length of spears or javelins. The first can 
  be mainly divided into long spears, in some cases probably more than 3m long, 
  and short spears. The longer spears were used in a thrusting action, normally 
  with both hands. The javelins were usually shorter and equipped with smaller 
  points, and were mainly used for throwing. Based on artistic representations, 
  Höckmann identified three types of javelin: long, short and heavy, and light for 
  long-distance throwing.
  24
  CENTRO-EUROPEAN MIGRATION ON THE PRESENT-DAY GREEK MAINLAND 
  ������������������
  The plate sets out to show a group of those Indo-European peoples who migrated into Greece 
  around 2000–1800 BC, probably from the Balkans and Central Europe. ����� The warriors in the 
  foreground wear early forms of boar’s tusk helmet copied from the Mariupol and Kolonna 
  specimens. This very primitive boar’s tusk helmet shows that this style of reinforcement and 
  decoration was probably introduced to the Aegean world by the Indo-Europeans migrating 
  from central and north European regions around 2000–1800 BC. Their weapons and jewellery are 
  copied from various finds in central Greece, such as the bronze spearhead from Thiva (Thebes). 
  ��� The ‘proto-Greek’ Mynian woman is copied from a pottery idol from Euboea. Note the early 
  Aegean style of her garments, borrowed from Crete and the islands. ��� The early form of chariot is 
  copied from a Late Neolithic pottery model dated 1700 BC from central Europe (Slovakia). The use 
  of the chariot was most likely spread to the Greek mainland from the Near East after the Middle 
  Bronze Age (about 1950–1550 BC) as a result of the central and eastern European migration and 
  the Achaeans’ trade contacts with those regions, although the early attestation of its use in war 
  comes from the Mycenaean Graves A stele.
  D
  Detail of one of the Malia 
  swords, 1700 BC. Note the 
  combination of gold plating 
  and crystal knob. The sword is 
  the natural expansion of the 
  broad-stemmed dagger blade 
  with which it was associated in 
  the grave, and had similar gold 
  plate with the same engraved 
  herringbone pattern 
  decorating its hilt. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
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  25
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  During the Early and Middle Bronze 
  Age bronze spearheads are among the 
  objects found in the graves of the early 
  settlements such as Sesklo and Dimini. One 
  of the earliest spear points in evidence in the 
  Aegean region is a leaf-shaped copper 
  specimen dated around 2700–2300 bc 
  from the Cycladic island of Amorgos. 
  Similar leaf-shaped spearheads, both in 
  copper and bronze, are in evidence in 
  several Cycladic settlements.
  Elongated spear points have also been 
  found in Cyprus in the Nikosia and Steno 
  settlements. These blades, 15.7cm and 18cm 
  long, date to around 2300 bc.
  Other types of bronze spear and javelin 
  points dating from around 2300–2000 bc 
  have been recovered from Tomb 78 of the 
  cemetery in Vounous (Cyprus). These kinds 
  of spearheads have a tang, ending in a 
  hook, which was fixed into the wood. The 
  blade was then further secured to the 
  wooden shaft by latching cord.
  According to Höckmann-Snodgrass, the Group A spear and javelin points 
  have a flat or narrow fixation tang and a blade without grooves. In some 
  specimens the blade is pierced with two elongated holes or four small holes 
  through which a cord could be threaded. Attested to both in Crete and on the 
  Greek mainland, they have a length of 15.5cm up to a maximum of 38cm. 
  They are mainly dated to the MM/MH period (about 2200–1600 bc).
  The Group B spear and javelin points have a unique ‘shoe’ shape with a 
  hollow clutch in which the wooden shaft was fixed. Attested to both in Crete 
  and on the Greek mainland, they had a general length of 11cm to 18.6cm. 
  and are mainly dated in the MM to LM IB (about 2200–1500 bc) in Crete 
  and MH III to LH IA (about 1600–1550 bc) for the specimens found in the 
  mainland settlements.
  Group F included several types mainly attested to in Crete and in the East 
  Aegean islands. Their blades form an acute angle with the hand-grip. It has 
  an oval shape with a rectangular or flat central rib. The tube has the typical 
  ‘cannon’ shape with a longitudinal fissure. The general length is from 17.5cm 
  to 45cm, and they date from MM to LM/LH IIIB–C (about 2000–1100 bc).
  The blade of Group G made a less acute angle with the hand-grip. It has 
  an oval shape cross section but larger than that of Group F; also the central 
  rib varies in shape. The typology is mainly attested to in Crete and in the 
  Aegean islands, with a general length from 12.3cm to 45.5cm. The early 
  specimens are dated MM–MM III (about 2000–1600 bc) with some examples 
  dated LM–LH I (about 1550 bc).
  The spear and javelin points of the Group H (‘bayonet type’) are 
  characterized by a long and narrow blade with longitudinal grooves and 
  central rib. The blade is an extension of the tube, which is faceted and 
  fissured. Two holes for fixation pins and a metal ring are generally present in 
  the lower part of the tube. They are in evidence in several variants coming 
  Fragments of the so-called 
  Town mosaic from Knossos city, 
  representing a spearman and 
  an archer, 18th–17th century 
  BC. Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  27
  from Crete (Knossos Palace), mainland Greece (shorter in dimension) and 
  Rhodes island. The general length is from 12.5cm to 57cm. Most of them are 
  dated LM II–III A (about 1500–1370). A beautiful example of this group 
  dated around 1500 bc has been found in Archanes, 20.3cm long and with a 
  blade decorated with spring motifs.
  The unique example of a short and heavy spear from the tholos (dome-
  shaped tomb) in Vapheio (dated around LH IIA), made with a wooden 
  shaft covered by a bronze tube with spherical elements is similar to an 
  embossed spear shaft represented in a seal from Mirabello (Crete) dated 
  around 1600–1550 bc. The evidence suggests that this kind of bronze shaft 
  with spherical elements probably has a Minoan origin.
  The earliest representation of spears or javelins in the Aegean region date 
  from the EM to MM I–MM II (about 2500–1700 bc), such as the images of a 
  medium-length spear or javelin with triangular point represented on a seal stone 
  from Crete dated from 2500 to 2200 bc. A young warrior with a long spear is 
  also represented on a fresco from Knossos dated around MM IIIA–B. Very long 
  spears are in evidence in the famous battle fresco from Akrotiri on Thera. This 
  fresco was clearly painted before the destruction of the island by an earthquake 
  followed by a volcanic eruption, which, based on the most recent analysis, 
  The gold knob from an A-type 
  sword from Malia, representing 
  an acrobat, about 1700–1600 
  BC. Several weapons from the 
  Aegean, such as daggers of 
  black bronze from Santorini, 
  the Skopelos swords and other 
  specimens from Knossos have 
  finely decorated blades and 
  pommels in ivory or gold. This 
  knob from Malia is one of the 
  finest examples. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
  Bronze axe with two symbols in 
  Linear A script, 1700–1450 BC, 
  possibly from the Lasithi 
  Plateau. The double axe 
  was a weapon, tool and 
  religious symbol in Minoan 
  Crete; the Linear A shows 
  that this specimen was 
  probably a votive offering. 
  London, British Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
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  28
  occurred no later than 1600 bc. In the 
  same fresco long spears are also used by 
  some of the warriors on the ships.
  It is possible that in this period the 
  long ‘naval spear’ had its origin. This 
  particular spear could have reached a 
  length of 4m, while the common long 
  spears normally did not exceed 2m. 
  One or more sailor-warriors armed with 
  such long weapons could easily strike 
  their enemies from a safe distance. A very 
  peculiar bronze double-headed blade, 
  dated around 16th century bc and found 
  at Agios Onoufrios near Phaistos (Crete), 
  has been interpreted as a fish spear. This 
  may have been used in conjunction with a 
  net or on its own from an open boat, but 
  we cannot exclude its use as a weapon.1
  Long spears are handled by warriors 
  or deities represented on two seal stones from Knossos dated to the end of 
  the Middle Minoan Period (about 1600–1550 bc). On other seals from 
  Haghia Triada and Zakro�, dated around MM III/LM I (about 1550 bc), the 
  earliest representations of active fighting with spears are shown. A warrior 
  with a spear is also represented on a jug of bichrome wheel-made ware from 
  Cyprus, dated about 1500 bc.2
  Swords and daggers
  The early swords of the Aegean Bronze Age are some of the most striking 
  artefacts from this epoch in terms of craftsmanship and opulence. Their 
  perceived role has at various times ranged from their being ritual objects, to 
  their being perfectly serviceable tools of war, the early swords evolving out 
  of the dagger. Before copper and bronze, stone was used as the primary 
  material for cutting-edged tools and weapons. Stone is very fragile however, 
  and therefore not practical for swords. With 
  the introduction of copper and eventually 
  bronze, daggers could be elongated and 
  evolve into swords. The earliest Anatolian 
  swords were found at Arslantepe, Turkey, 
  dating to c.3300 bc. However sword finds 
  are very rare up to around 2300 bc. In 
  general during the Aegean Bronze Age, 
  weapons with blades evolve from the dagger 
  or knife in the Early Bronze Age to the 
  earliest narrow-bladed ‘rapier’ swords, 
  optimized for thrusting, in the Middle 
  Bronze Age.
  1 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC 
  (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 13.
  2  WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC 
  (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 5.
  One silver and two bronze 
  Minoan daggers from Vianno 
  and Lassithi, dated Middle 
  Minoan Period. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
  Stone hammerhead, probably 
  for ritual or ceremonial use, 
  Minoan, 1700–1450 BC. 
  London, British Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
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  29
  One of the earliest swords in evidence in the Aegean region is a copper specimen 
  from Naxos dated around 2800–2300 bc. Its design is similar to the early type 
  of Aegean dagger. The length of this sword is 35.6cm. This kind of early 
  leaf-shaped sword or dagger was attached to a baldric as shown on a marble 
  statue of a hunter-warrior dated around 2300 bc from the Cycladic island of 
  Naxos. The wooden grip was fixed to the blade by means of a tang, curved on 
  the upper part to secure it. The scabbard was fixed by four crossed laces at the 
  join between the two ends of the baldric.
  The huge number of swords found in Crete and the various arguments put 
  forward, by Catling, Hood, Hiller, MacDonald, Sandars and others, that many 
  of the early Achaean swords are attributable to Minoan workshops, establishes 
  a significant relationship between Minoan Crete and weaponry, as well as the 
  notion of warlike Minoans. The Minoan swords considered here are limited to 
  the time and events that led to the destruction of the Minoan palaces, but their 
  number demonstrates that weaponry seems to have played a fundamental role 
  in Minoan society throughout all the phases of its history. In the Neopalatial 
  Period the sword, a tool of violence and a symbol of the warrior, was also part 
  of the trappings of elite religious ideology.
  One of the early possible representations of Minoan short swords is on a 
  seal from Haghia Triada (Crete) dated around MM III–LM I (about 1600 bc). 
  In this cult scene, swords and dagger blades seem to be placed with their 
  points upwards on the altar.
  The great sword was one of the most interesting inventions of the Aegean 
  Bronze Age. Analysis of some specimens shows that the material is an alloy 
  of copper and tin or arsenic for making bronze. When the percentage of 
  copper or tin content is high, the bronze blades have a reddish or silver 
  colour respectively. Whether this was done intentionally to imitate precious 
  metals, or was simply the result of miscalculation, it is not possible to guess.
  In spite of some scholars claiming that most of the Minoan weapons 
  possessed hafts (hilts or handles) that would have prevented their use as 
  Pottery from Akrotiri, about 
  1600 BC. These vases are among 
  the earliest representations of 
  figure-of-eight body shields, 
  from the same period as the 
  famous miniature fresco. 
  The shields seem to be 
  hanging from a wooden lintel. 
  They are clearly depicted with 
  central lengthwise strips and 
  several bosses or seams to 
  secure the layers of hide. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  30
  weapons, more recent experimental testing of accurate replicas has shown 
  this to be incorrect, as these weapons were capable of cutting flesh down 
  to the bone (and scoring the bone’s surface) without any damage to the 
  weapons themselves.
  A link between the Minoan triangular small swords or daggers and the 
  long A-type sword (according to Sandars’ classification) can be seen in the 
  specimen found in Malia (Crete) dated around 1700 bc. This sword shows 
  a large and long blade with a large and flat midrib. On its rounded upper 
  part, four rivet holes are used to attach the blade to its decorated hilt and two 
  rivet holes are present on the tang. The awesome part of this sword is its hilt, 
  which was covered with a gold engraved plate and a marvellous crystal rock 
  was set at the end.
  Other examples of Cretan long bronze swords, which could be interpreted 
  as ancestors of the A- and B-type swords, are attested to from the palace 
  of Zakros.
  The A-type swords made their appearance in the MM I period, continuing 
  in use from LM I–II–III (about 1700–1600 bc) to LH I–II (about 1600–1500); 
  the earliest of these Aegean long swords again come from the palace of 
  Malia. Furthermore, specimens of the A-type swords are also attested to in 
  the Cycladic and Ionian islands. These swords, a massive elongation of the 
  dagger’s design, can reach 90cm and sometimes more than 1m in length, with 
  a strong midrib on the blade. The handle was a separate element, riveted to 
  the blade. It has a flat narrow tang, either very short or longer with rivets. 
  Ivory and wood decorated with gold were used for the handgrip and knob. 
  Recent theories point to Cretan ateliers as the origin of the best specimens, 
  including those found in the royal shafts of Mycenae.
  Aegean warriors marching in 
  battle formation, fresco from 
  Akrotiri, about 1600 BC. The 
  fresco from the West House, 
  room 5, probably represents 
  the oldest known sea battle. A 
  conflict and naval engagement 
  between Aegean warriors and 
  non-Aegean enemies (possibly 
  Lybian pirates) seems to have 
  taken place, and the outcome 
  was victory for the Aegeans. 
  The Aegean warriors arrived 
  with their ships to protect 
  the town and they succeeded. 
  We see the moment of victory 
  when they are marching on 
  the shore in battle formation. 
  Thera Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s collection)
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  31
  This type of early long sword was most 
  likely used by the warriors depicted in the 
  Akrotiri fresco dated around 1600 bc. 
  Behind the warriors the lower part of a 
  long scabbard, ending with a fringed 
  knob, is clearly visible. Another A-type 
  sword is probably also represented in a 
  seal from Haghia Triada in Crete, dated 
  MM III–LM I (about 1600–1550 bc), 
  where a warrior is using his long and 
  narrow sword in a thrusting action. An 
  A-type sword is probably also handled by 
  the warrior represented in the famous 
  ‘Chieftain Cup’ from Haghia Triada dated 
  LM I (about 1550 bc).3
  The B-type swords seem to be less 
  common in Crete or Minoan regions, there 
  being only a few specimens attributed to 
  the Aegean islands. According to Dickinson, 
  their place of origin was the Argolis. The 
  main distinguishing feature and innovation 
  of the B-type swords is the use of flanges, 
  either on the shoulder of the blade itself 
  or on the tang, i.e. the development of the 
  full tang.
  The first appearance of these flanges is of the greatest importance in the 
  history of Aegean swords. From the Aegean itself the earliest approximately 
  datable shoulder flange is to be found on the dagger or short sword from the 
  annexe to the smaller tholos at Haghia Triada, which is dated by Evans to 
  MM II, possibly IIA.
  Interesting B-type swords, 33cm long and 34cm long, have been found in 
  Agioi Theodoroi (Crete) and in Kameiros (Rhodes). A B-type sword inside its 
  scabbard is probably also represented on a stone relief from Phaistos (Crete), 
  dated 16th century bc.4
  From A- and B-type evolved the C-type sword, characterized by a thin 
  blade with an abrupt rib and long flanged lateral ‘horned’ hand-guard turned 
  upward. Some examples are around a metre in length. The C-type is 
  subdivided into two groups, Ci and Cii, both very similar and used in the 
  same period. The C-type sword measured 60–90cm (Ci) and 60–70cm (Cii), 
  and the earlier specimens are dated from LM–LH II (about 1500 bc).
  Dated from the same period as the C-type is the Di-type sword. These 
  weapons, also known as ‘cross swords’ have an average length of 60–70cm and 
  were characterized by a small horizontal cross 
  guard. Some specimens are attributed to Crete and 
  other Aegean islands starting from 1450 bc, so it 
  is not clear if this type of sword has been imported 
  Aegean warrior, detail of a 
  fresco from the West House, 
  Akrotiri, about 1600 BC, Thera 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s collection)
  Conical horned helmets 
  represented in Minoan linear 
  signs on inscribed clay bars 
  from Malia, c.1600 BC, ex Evans, 
  1935. Early headpieces of 
  Cretan warriors were of 
  leather or padded material, 
  with horizontal ridges. 
  (Author’s collection)
  3 ELI 130: The Mycenaeans c.1650–1100 BC 
  (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2005), p. 3.
  4 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC 
  (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 14.
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  32
  into these regions during the considerable 
  expansion of the mainland Achaeans or if they 
  were already used by the Minoans. MacDonald, 
  however, following the suggestion of Sandars and 
  Catling, attributed it to Knossian workshops.
  Some of the early Aegean triangular daggers, 
  dated around 5500–4500 bc, have been 
  unearthed in Ayia Marina-Phocis, Alepotrypa 
  and Ayios Dimitrios-Triphylia, and elongated 
  copper daggers dated around 4800–3300 bc 
  have been found in Dimini and Sesklo.
  There is always difficulty in distinguishing 
  between short swords (dirks) and daggers, since 
  most probably they served the same purpose. 
  The main criterion used by scholars is the length 
  of these weapons, but there is still no general 
  agreement about the dividing line between the 
  two. Because the arbitrary division of dirks and 
  daggers on the basis of their length produces 
  anomalies and confusion, some scholars, such as 
  Dr Thanasis J. Papadopoulos, have decided to 
  classify as daggers all those weapons whose general outline corresponds 
  to the basic, standard type of dagger, paying less attention to their length, 
  which in any case never exceeds 45cm.
  Several specimens of copper leaf-shaped daggers dated EC II (about 
  2800–2300 bc) are attested to the Cyclades (Naxos and Amorgos) and Crete. 
  Also, this kind of early leaf-shaped dagger was attached to a baldric or to a 
  waist belt as in the above-mentioned marble statue of the warrior from 
  Naxos and the Minoan statuettes from Petsofà, dated around 2300 bc.
  The Minoan daggers show quite a variety, which is certainly due to the 
  wide range of their provenance, the change in style during the period and 
  the personal taste of the maker and the owner. Their study can help to 
  establish some parameters of functionality.
  The usual Early Minoan triangular dagger had a narrow midrib, and this 
  was adopted on the slenderer, longer daggers of the Middle Minoan Period, 
  32
  RETURN FROM VICTORY: ‘KRETES’ WARRIORS WITH LYBIAN PRISONERS IN 
  �����������������
  All the figures are based on the Santorini frescos. (���� The Akrotiri warriors’boar’s tusk helmets 
  have a horsetail and seem to be decorated at the front and back with unidentified items, probably 
  feathers. The throat strap is also visible. Note the huge tower shields and long spears, used in closed 
  proto-phalanx formation. ��� The tattooed ‘Lybian’ prisoners represented in the frescos have been 
  deprived of their main weapons, their bows and arrows being held by the guards. Note the leather 
  quiver of one of the prisoners, worn across the shoulders of one of the soldiers. ����� Minoan 
  women wore skirts that flared out from the waist in a bell shape, with many decorations attached 
  to the cloth. Later designs were made from strips of fabric, sewn in ways that created rows of ruffles 
  from waist to ankle. Women also wore close-fitting blouses that were cut low in the front to expose 
  the breasts. Because the figure of the Minoan woman, with large breasts, large hips and tiny waist, 
  was very similar to the female shape in fashion during the late 1800s, some scholars believe that 
  Minoan women must have also worn some sort of framework under their skirts to support the 
  bell shape.
  E
  Rhyton with boxers from 
  Haghia Triada, dated 1600 BC. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  33
  1
  2
  3
  4
  5
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  34
  which are best known from the collective 
  tombs of the Messara in southern Crete. They 
  are usually double-bladed, mostly measuring 
  between 10 and 20cm in length, and a separate 
  handle, made of wood, bone or ivory was 
  attached to the blade. They varied from 11cm 
  to 22cm, with the majority around 20cm. Some 
  have silver rivets. The blades are relatively flat 
  and the longer examples have a thickened 
  midrib to prevent bending. Particularly relevant 
  is a tangled dagger from Platanos Tholos B, 
  with a sharp distinct midrib, round or angular, 
  a long tapering blade and a separate hilt 
  attached either by two rivets, set rather low in 
  the blade on either side of the midrib, or by 
  two pairs of rivets, one above the other. It is 
  interesting to note that, according to Branigan, 
  long daggers are the most common bronze 
  artefacts of the EM–MM periods, followed by 
  triangular daggers. This can be a useful way 
  to  calculate a warrior’s burial date in the 
  Prepalatial Period (usually one man per dagger 
  in Messara tholoi).
  The I-type dagger is represented by some late Middle Bronze Age and early 
  Late Bronze Age daggers, which are short, tapering or leaf-shaped, usually not 
  much more than 20cm in length and about 5.5cm in width. Their main and 
  common characteristics are the absence of a tang (tangles) and the broad blade. 
  Other basic features are the tapering or leap-shaped blades, with or without a 
  midrib, bevelled edges and massive, mostly gold- or silver-plated rivets, which 
  range in number from two to four. According to their profile, two main variants 
  can be distinguished: A tangles flat or slightly thickened daggers (mostly 
  tapering) and B tangles midrib daggers (mostly leaf-shaped). Some examples 
  of these daggers dated around the 18th–17th century have been found in 
  Haghia Triada and Malia.
  Another type of dagger in evidence in Crete belongs to type II Variant A. 
  These longer daggers vary in length between 23.6 and 43cm, most of them 
  falling into the range of 28–35cm, with an average width of 6cm. They are 
  characterized by elongated triangular ‘winged’ blades (usually having slightly 
  flanged shoulders) with or without midrib and bevelled edges. In the butt are 
  four massive or small rivets, either silver or gold plated or plain. Sometimes 
  there are extra rivets and even a short tang to strengthen the handle attachments.
  Horned daggers are, like tanged daggers, relatively rare, comprising very 
  few specimens. So far, all have been found in tombs and are more or less well 
  preserved. Size varies considerably, their lengths ranging from 26.4 to 39.5cm 
  and their widths from 6.3 to 8cm. They differ also in general outline, but what 
  all have in common are the generally up-drawn or horned flanged shoulders. 
  Other essential characteristics are the relatively long and broad tang, usually 
  with shallow or deep flanges, and the triangular blade with or without sharp 
  distinct midribs. These daggers show similarity with the Type Cii swords. 
  According to the shape of blade, two main variants are distinguishable: 
  A triangular and B elongate triangular.
  Ivory vase with bull-hunting 
  scene from Crete dated 1600–
  1450 BC. Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  35
  The cruciform dagger type comprises relatively long specimens, 
  averaging in length between 30 and 40cm or even less and in breadth 
  between 4 and 6cm. Their technique and shape are fairly uniform, with 
  only minor variations. The common and basic characteristic of all these 
  daggers, from which they take the name ‘cruciform’, is the protruding 
  shoulder, which is lobed, round or angular. Other essential features are the 
  grip, with or without a T-shaped pommel, and the pointed blade, U-shaped 
  or tapering towards the point. Pommel, grip and shoulder are generally 
  flanged and the flange is drawn down towards the blade, which is usually 
  flat or flattish and plain, and only rarely ribbed or grooved. According to 
  the above-mentioned variants in the shape of the shoulder, grip and blade, 
  these daggers can be divided into the variants A, B, C, D and E. Some 
  examples of variant A and B, dated around 1600 bc, have been found in 
  Haghia Triada. Sometimes wrongly identified as daggers are the copper and 
  bronze razors, leaf-shaped with a round blade and used for general 
  purposes. These razors in various dimensions are in evidence throughout 
  the Aegean region since the Cycladic Period.
  Slings
  Sling stones, mainly in obsidian, are in evidence in the Aegean region since 
  the Neolithic and Early Bronze age, both on the Greek mainland and in the 
  Cycladic islands. The primitive slings were more likely made from animal 
  hair. The obsidian stones, accurately polished, were effective against human 
  flesh, but less so against armour or corselet.
  Other projectiles were made of limestone or unfired clay, like the Neolithic 
  examples from Thessaly. The limestone 
  projectiles were adequately smoothed 
  and shaped. Through impact with the 
  hard ground the sling stones broke 
  apart, having a similar effect to modern 
  hand grenades.
  Axes and maces
  Battle axes and hatchets are in evidence 
  in several Aegean settlements since the 
  Neolithic and Early Bronze Age on the 
  Greek mainland, Cycladic islands and 
  Anatolian coastal sites. Battle axes 
  appear mostly in the northern Aegean, 
  whereas maces with stone heads are 
  also common in central and southern 
  Greece. Some well-preserved copper 
  axes of the Final Neolithic Period 
  (c.4500–3300 bc) have been found in 
  Sesklo. Two of them were found 
  together in the centre of the acropolis 
  beside a house wall. They were cast 
  in  moulds from 99 per cent pure 
  copper then hammered. Their different 
  sizes show that they came from 
  different moulds.
  Boars’ tusks for a helmet 
  from a chamber tomb 
  near Poros (Iraklion), 
  dated 17th–16th century BC. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  36
  Other early examples of these weapons and tools were made of 
  stone similar to some that came from Troy. These specimens were 
  found by Schliemann during his excavations in the lower level 
  of Hisarlik Hill, and more likely in the Troy I remains dated around 
  2900–2450 bc.
  Copper axes or similar objects have also been found in the 
  Cycladic islands, for instance some axes of the Keros-Syros culture, 
  which are made of arsenical copper and dated around 2700–2200 bc. 
  These specimens show the remarkable advances in metalwork in 
  the  Keros-Syros culture. The heavy-duty shaft-hole axes in this 
  group were perhaps used for felling trees and stripping branches, the 
  large flat axes for splitting tree-trunks into planks and the chisels for 
  finer work.
  A bronze axe from a grave in Lemba (Cyprus, Paphos region) 
  dates from the early phase of the Early Bronze Age (2500–2400 bc), 
  a period of significant change in the material culture of Cyprus, 
  possibly related to small-scale migrations from south-western 
  Anatolia. Metal axes bear clear evidence of the introduction of copper 
  technology on the island. They appear at the same time as the pottery style 
  that is associated with the so-called Philia culture.
  A probable battle axe is also one of the symbols of the still-undeciphered 
  disc from Phaistos dated 2000–1700 bc. The typical Minoan bronze double axe 
  with a crescent-shaped blade symbol is in evidence since the first palace period 
  like the example shown in a cretule seal from Phaistos dated around MM IIB. 
  The Linear A inscription perhaps shows that this example was a votive offering. 
  The double axe served as a tool, a weapon and one of the main religious symbols 
  in Minoan Crete. It was as significant and as important in Minoan religious 
  practice as the other two cult objects, the ritual horn and the pillar.
  The earliest examples of the double-bladed axe as yet discovered in Crete 
  belong to about the middle of the Early Minoan Age. One is a small copper 
  axe from a tomb on Mochlos. Miniature double-bladed axes, each with a 
  perforation at the end of its handle like that in the single-bladed Neolithic 
  axe, have also been found. Since they are too large to be worn as amulets, 
  they may have been intended as votive offerings, to be suspended from a 
  shrine or from the wall of a tomb. Several miniature gold votive double axes 
  have been found in the Arkalochori Cave in Crete (a ritual deposit, according 
  to Kilian-Dirlmeier), dated to the 2nd millennium bc in the Second Palace 
  Period. Votive bronze double axes, reminiscent of these gold examples, were 
  also found in the Diktaian Cave among other gifts or offerings.
  One of the most famous Minoan votive double axes excavated in the 
  Arkalochori cave by Spyridon Marinatos is notable for being engraved with 
  15 symbols. Some of the symbols may be identified as Linear A characters, 
  while others are reminiscent of those found on the Phaistos Disc. In particular, 
  the ‘Mohican’ glyph (D02), which is the most frequent character on the 
  Phaistos Disc, appears on the axe inscription both in profile and face on.
  Several examples of bronze maces or hammers are in evidence in the 
  Bronze Age excavation sites both on the Greek mainland and Aegean regions, 
  for example Loutraki (Crete) or Haghia Triada. Examples of stone hammers 
  in different shapes and dimensions have been found in several Aegean 
  settlements as well as in Cyprus. These were made of different kinds of stone, 
  such as sandstone and limestone.
  Bronze horned dagger of 
  Variant B with bent blade 
  from Cyprus, length 30cm. 
  This object is dated around 
  1550 BC and may be considered 
  the earliest known Aegean 
  weapon from Late Bronze Age 
  Cyprus. (Drawing by Andrea 
  Salimbeti ex Karageorghis)
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  37
  Bows and arrows
  In Greece the bow is likely to be acknowledged as an indigenous weapon from 
  the Neolithic Period, even if it never equalled the importance and diffusion that 
  bows generally had in oriental societies. From the Aegean Bronze Age two 
  main types of bow are known: the simple wooden bow (sometimes reinforced 
  with sinew glued to the back to prevent breakage and to increase the bow’s 
  cast) and the composite bow, which combines four materials – wood, sections 
  of animal horn, animal tendons and sinews, and glue.
  Early evidence of bows in the Aegean region is found in a seal with 
  engraved hieroglyphic inscriptions from Malia dated around 2500 bc, where 
  a double-convex bow and an arrow are well represented.
  A hunter, armed with a simple curved bow, and his dog are depicted on a 
  seal from Crete dated around 2200 bc. A probable composite double-convex 
  bow is also one of the symbols on the disc of Phaistos. This type of bow seems 
  to be different from those depicted in contemporary Aegean art so it could be 
  a representation of a Near Eastern composite bow. A strange ‘glove-like’ 
  symbol on the Phaistos disc has been interpreted by some scholars as a possible 
  protective device used by bowmen.
  In scenes from the ‘Town mosaic’ from Knossos dated around 1700 bc, 
  several armed figures are depicted. Some of these warriors have been interpreted 
  as being armed with bows and simple or double-convex bows are also 
  represented. On a seal from Haghia Triada dated MM IIIB–LM I (around 
  1600–1500 bc) a male figure or a deity with a composite double-concave bow 
  is depicted.
  A large quantity of flint and obsidian arrowheads is in evidence in the 
  Aegean region from the Neolithic Period. Most of these arrowheads have been 
  found in the Thessaly settlements and in other regions of northern Greece. 
  During the later period of 2500–1500 bc this early style of arrowhead was still 
  used in several regions of the Greek mainland, Cyclades and in Crete. 
  Minoan stone axe in the 
  shape of a leopard, c. 1500 BC, 
  from Malia, Crete. This very 
  interesting and highly 
  decorated axe and other 
  weapons were clearly 
  prestige or status weapons. 
  They constituted powerful 
  regalia and also imply the 
  use of force in establishing 
  relationships and a warlike 
  mentality. Ceremonial maces 
  and hammers have also been 
  recovered from Aegina, 
  Knossos, Zakros Palace, 
  Haghia Triada, Palaikastro, 
  Tylissos and Koumasa. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s collection) 
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  38
  Furthermore it is similar to specimens from the Balkans and central Europe 
  from a region extending as far as the southern lands of Russia.
  The flint and obsidian arrowheads in the typical ‘heart’ shape are in 
  evidence from the LH I and LM I periods (about 1550 bc). These heart-shaped 
  examples developed as an improvement on the early arrowheads in the shape 
  of a triangle with a short tail end.
  A quite large bronze arrowhead dated around 2300 bc is also in evidence 
  from the Cycladic island of Amorgos. The shafts of the arrows have not been 
  preserved but some tombs and deposits have yielded arrowheads and a very 
  large deposit of thousands of arrowheads was found in the arsenal at 
  Knossos. Bronze V-shaped arrowheads with tangs, dated around 1500 bc, 
  have been found there. The metal variant of the tanged and recessed-based 
  arrowheads were simply cut from bronze plate.
  Bronze-cast arrowheads in the shape of a long triangle with thin tail end 
  were discovered in the graves in Sanatorium (Crete) also dated around 
  1500 bc. Unlike the simple V-shaped arrowheads this type had to be cast 
  in special moulds. Now, similar arrowheads have been found in the recently 
  excavated Kydonia graves. Some bronze-cast arrowheads (with sockets) are 
  also in evidence from Phaistos. This type seems to have been significantly 
  less numerous than the V-shaped variety, perhaps for economic reasons. 
  Some scholars believed that this and the other cast arrowheads probably 
  have oriental origins, although they were more likely to have been 
  manufactured in the Aegean region.
  Shields
  Somewhat surprising is the scarcity of defensive weapons such as shields, 
  helmets and armour in the archaeological records. This is due to two main 
  reasons: the partial use of perishable material such as leather, linen and 
  other padding, and to the fact that burial rites did not usually include this 
  type of equipment.
  We do not have any evidence of the employment of shields during the 
  Neolithic Period. If they did exist, they were probably made of organic material, 
  Fragment of a fresco from the 
  Palace of Knossos representing 
  warriors, 16th century BC. Some 
  small isolated pieces, depicting 
  the upper outlines of serried 
  ranks of warriors, show soldiers 
  hurling javelins upwards, 
  against the enemy battlements 
  above. The javelins are painted 
  orange, the warriors’ heads 
  show well-defined curved 
  crests of hair, and they wear 
  a kind of necklace and torque. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s collection)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  39
  i.e. a wooden core covered with 
  animal skin. From some scarce 
  evidence found in Epirus and 
  Micro-Asiatic Greece, we can 
  suppose that the first Greek armies 
  were equipped with shields and 
  some kind of body protection.
  One of the most common 
  types of early Aegean body shield 
  was  the so-called ‘tower shield’. 
  It  is represented mainly on wall 
  paintings and seals. This shield 
  was probably composed of an 
  internal wooden structure fastened 
  to form a cross. Several layers of 
  toughened bull’s hide were glued 
  and stitched to a wicker structure. 
  A rim, probably made of leather 
  or  bronze, was normally placed 
  around the shield. Based on some 
  representations, we cannot exclude 
  the possibility that some shields were covered with a thin embossed or 
  decorated bronze plate. The internal grip and baldric were used by the 
  warrior to handle the shield properly.
  The earliest evidence of the large rectangular ‘tower shield’ is on a fresco 
  from Akrotiri on Thera. This kind of shield seems to have consisted of 
  goat hide, as the skin of goats shown in the same fresco are depicted with the 
  same colour pattern as the shield’s surface. A tower shield with an upper 
  double edge is represented on a seal from Zakro� (Crete) dated around LM II 
  (about 1500–1450 bc). In this seal a figure-of-eight shield and a helmet are 
  also recognizable.
  The figure-of-eight shield, represented on pottery, wall paintings and 
  sculpture, both as a defensive weapon and decorative motif or cult symbol, 
  was the other common type of Aegean body shield. Its construction was 
  probably the same as the previous tower type, but it was formed by two 
  internal bow-shaped pieces of wood fastened to form a cross. Longitudinal 
  central reinforcement of bronze, tin or wood was sometimes added.
  A group of approximately 150 staples in copper have been found in Tomb 
  V at the New Hospital site at Knossos. The excavators believed these staples 
  probably fastened the body shield oxhide layers to each other or to its 
  wooden frame. These wires, used on both types of body shield, are some of 
  the few examples left of perishable material from body shields used at that 
  time. The tombs of Ayios Ioannis and the New Hospital site belonged to the 
  newly arrived Achaeans, but the structure of the shield was virtually the same 
  for all Aegeans.
  The earliest representations of figure-of-eight body shields are present 
  in pottery from Akrotiri. Similar shields in dark colours with white spots 
  are depicted in a vase from Knossos dated from the LM IB. In a couple of 
  seal stones from Haghia Triada and Knossos, dated between LM IB and 
  LM II (about 1550–1500 bc), the use of figure-of-eight body shields is also 
  well documented.
  Fragment of a fresco from 
  Knossos representing a naval 
  chieftain, 16th century BC.  
  A separate figure of a youthful 
  warrior resting his left arm on 
  a spear has long locks of hair, 
  which fall over both shoulders, 
  and his arm is raised as though 
  he were an officer giving 
  commands to his troops. 
  In some respects his attitude 
  resembles that of the young 
  prince on the Haghia Triada 
  cup. Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s collection)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  40
  Another type of body shield used in the Aegean region is the circular or 
  oval one with two cuts on both sides that allow better use of the shield 
  during fighting with sword and spear. This shield, sometimes wrongly 
  confused with the figure-of-eight shield, was later used during the Geometric 
  and Archaic periods and it was generally known by the archaeologists as 
  the ‘Dipylon shield’.
  The earliest representations of this proto-Dipylon shield are visible on a 
  gold ring, which is part of the ‘treasure of Aigina’ from Crete – probably 
  dated around TM I (about 1550 bc) – and also on a pendant from Crete, 
  probably dated TM II (1500 bc).
  Helmets
  The earliest representation of possible helmets or caps, 
  probably decorated with horns, is in evidence on the 
  Greek mainland in the Neolithic Period on two stone 
  amulets from Sesklo dated between 5300 and 4500 bc. 
  This kind of conical cap or early helmet was most 
  likely made of leather with long decorative horns.
  Other possible evidence of Aegean helmets is also 
  present in Early Cycladic culture. On some male marble 
  figures dated between 3200–2800 bc from Plastiras and 
  Louros, horizontally ribbed, conical-shaped caps are 
  represented, which are probably to be understood as 
  helmets, most likely made of leather, cord or linen.
  A conical-shaped helmet more likely made of copper 
  or bronze is probably represented in one of the symbols 
  of the famous Phaistos Disc dated 2000–1700 bc.
  Remains of the crests of Trojan helmets, probably 
  dating from around 2000 bc, were found by Heinrich 
  Schliemann in one of the rooms of the palace in the 
  Hisarlik Hill settlement. Because of the close commercial 
  trade between the Anatolian and the Aegean populations, 
  these pieces are worth mentioning as elements of the 
  early type of East Mediterranean helmet.
  Boars’ tusks, probably used as reinforcement or 
  decoration on a cap-helmet, dated around 2000 bc, 
  Seal stones from Kydonia 
  (right) and unknown 
  provenance (left), c.16th 
  century BC, ex Evans, 1935. 
  (Author’s collection)
  Jug of bichrome wheel-made 
  ware, decorated with armed 
  warriors from Tomb 80 at 
  Enkomi, Cyprus, 16th century 
  BC. British Museum. (Author’s 
  photo, courtesy of the 
  museum)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  41
  have been found in Mariupol (Ukraine). It is possible that from this helmet the 
  boar’s tusk helmet found in the shaft grave of Aegina (Kolonna) dated around 
  1800 bc5 developed, which is probably the departure point of the typical 
  Achaean and Minoan boar’s tusk helmets.
  We know the boar’s tusk helmet best from a Middle Helladic context, but 
  this may be due to the considerable differences between Helladic and Minoan 
  burial customs and the fact that all our evidence for Minoan helmets comes 
  from settlements and sanctuaries, not from burials as for LH I. Worked 
  boars’ tusks, probably intended for a helmet, have been found in an LM IA 
  tomb at Poros near Heraklion, and other pierced boars’ tusks for helmets 
  came from Kea in LM I.
  Boar’s tusk helmets are worn by the warriors 
  depicted in the fresco from Akrotiri on Thera, 
  dated around 1600 bc. Similar helmets seem also 
  to be represented in another part of the same 
  fresco. In  the so-called ‘Naval Festival’ one ship 
  seems equipped with boar’s tusk helmets hanging 
  from the passengers’ cabin. A very interesting and 
  elaborate boar’s tusk helmet with large cheek 
  guards and neck protection also covered with 
  boars’ tusks is depicted in another fresco fragment 
  from Akrotiri dated around 1600 bc.
  Conical horned helmets are represented in 
  some Minoan linear signs, which, in a semi-
  pictorial form, already appear on inscribed clay 
  bars from Malia, going back to the earliest phase 
  of MM III (about 1600 bc). These representations 
  already show traces of the chinstraps, and the 
  rows of boars’ tusks have left their mark in one 
  of the representations.
  A boar’s tusk helmet with a large circular crest 
  is visible on a rhyton fragment from Knossos dated 
  around MM IIIB–LM I (about 1600–1550 bc). 
  In particular, this type of Cretan boar’s tusk helmet 
  was also equipped with large neck and cheek 
  guard, probably made of leather or bronze.
  Interesting helmets with cheek and neck 
  guards are represented on a vase from Katsamba 
  (Crete) dated LM II (about 1500 bc). An ivory 
  relief from Phaistos from the 16th century bc 
  represents a conical helmet with small cheek and neck guards. Also in this 
  case the reinforcement discs were probably made of ivory or metal.6
  High conical helmets with a lower padded edge are shown in seals from 
  Knossos dated MM III (about 1600 bc), from Zakro� and Haghia Triada, as 
  well as in a bronze figure from Iraklion dated around LH I (about 1550 bc).
  On a famous rhyton from Haghia Triada dated LM I, three boxers are 
  represented with low-profile ‘hollow-eyed’ helmets with long curved cheek 
  guards and ear openings. Even if the helmets used in this boxing scene were 
  5 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 23.
  6 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 24.
  Minoan archer from Knossos, 
  dated 1500 BC, from the  
  north-east corner of the Palace 
  Site. The archer is apparently 
  disembarking from a boat, 
  the horizontal edge of which 
  is visible, and mounting 
  rocks of conventional,  
  scale-shaped appearance. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
  Helmets with cheek and 
  neck guards painted on a vase 
  from Katsamba, Crete, dated 
  around LM II (about 1500 BC). 
  These helmets were probably 
  reinforced and decorated 
  with rows of boars’ tusks 
  and small rosettes, which 
  could have been made of 
  ivory or metal. The upper 
  knob with its horsetail is also 
  visible. Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s collection)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  42
  more likely made of leather or other perishable material, because of 
  their general design we cannot exclude the possibility that bronze 
  versions of similar helmets might have also been used in 
  warfare. Low-profile ‘hollow-eyed’ helmets seem also to be 
  represented on a seal fragment from Zakro� dated around 
  MM III. They are the precursors of a similar helmet visible 
  in Late Achaean jewellery from Pilos.
  Another very common type of helmet, more likely 
  made of leather or felt and taking the form of a hood of 
  thick padding sewn together at intervals, was the conical 
  ‘beehive’ style helmet with concentric bands. Different 
  variants of these helmets have been identified, with or 
  without cheek and neck guards. In some cases a knob 
  on the top, a horsetail and crest were present as well as 
  horns. These helmets have been attested to both in Crete 
  and on the Greek mainland. Two seals from Zakro dated 
  around LM I (about 1550) show the simplest variant of 
  these helmets, probably representing an ‘eagle-lady’ deity. 
  A similar simple conical padded helmet seems to be depicted 
  in a seal from Knossos dated around MM III. It is fitted with 
  two small horns (most likely deer’s horns) as decoration.
  The tholos in Kephala dated LM I (about 1550 bc) revealed a 
  fragment from an ivory plaque, with a highly interesting relief depicting two 
  helmets. One of these helmets seems to be padded or covered with boars’ 
  tusks. The other, mostly covered with what is possibly a large body shield, has 
  a tube at the top with plumes.
  Probably from Crete, there is also a seal representing some weapons and 
  a helmet with conical padded bands and two upper curved crests or horns. 
  This find is most likely from the last Palatial Period.
  Body armour
  The evidence of body protection 
  for the early Aegean warrior is 
  very scarce and no protective 
  or  defensive weapons survive. 
  Indeed protective garments made 
  of animal hide or linen may have 
  been used during warfare and 
  hunting activity.
  The outfit represented on a 
  seal from Haghia Triada dated 
  MM III–LM I (about 1600 bc) 
  has been interpreted by some 
  scholars as a possible quilted or 
  metal-reinforced corselet made 
  of linen, with a protective belt 
  and lower pteryges-style fringes 
  worn over a ‘large kiton’. This 
  interpretation is questionable 
  and most of the scholars believe 
  that the strange outfit is instead 
  Minoan clay seal from 
  Kydonia, dated about 
  1500 BC, representing 
  Poseidon-Poteidan 
  commanding the sea from 
  a coastal temple or town. 
  Khanià Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
  more like
  their g
  vers
  wa
  r
  th
  A s
  in a s
  two sma
  Figure-of-eight shield, with 
  dark background and white 
  spots, on a vase from Knossos, 
  dated around the LM IB (about 
  1500 BC). The shield seems to 
  be hanging from a wooden 
  lintel depicted around the 
  vase’s collar by two dark 
  lines with several dots 
  between, simulating the 
  cross ridgepoles. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s collection)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  43
  the garment worn by a priest during a cult ritual. In fact 
  this garment shows closer similarity to that worn by the 
  leader of the procession in the famous Harvester Vase 
  from Haghia Triada, dated around 1550–1500 bc.
  Other possible evidence of body protection is 
  present on a steatite relief from Knossos dated from 
  the 16th century bc, where a bowman is shown in 
  action with vertical lines on his chest, which may 
  represent a corselet probably made of thick stripes of 
  cloth, while the lower part of the legs seem to be 
  covered by some kind of greaves. However, the general 
  interpretation is that the warrior is simply naked with short trousers and that 
  the lines are just the stylization of his muscles. If its identification as a corselet 
  is correct, it could be a kind of poncho that allows free movement leaving the 
  sides open. This interpretation could be confirmed by a type of non-metallic 
  corselet with a belt and strange fringes represented on a bichrome wheel-
  made jug from Cyprus, dated about 1500 bc.7 This armour seems be worn 
  like a poncho, although its aesthetical appearance is different from the striped 
  armour of the Cretan archer.
  The high-resistance property of the boars’ tusks has suggested to some 
  archaeologists that they could also be used for reinforcing organic corselets 
  (see the plate on page 25). This hypothesis has been formulated for the boars’ 
  tusks found in the warrior grave in Aegina dated around 1700 bc, although 
  they are now generally accepted as elements of a prototype boar’s tusk helmet 
  because of their shape and small dimensions.
  Five round bronze plates dated around 1500 bc have been found in 
  Ar�alochori. Their size and the presence of small, barely visible holes all 
  around the plate’s edge support the hypothesis that they were used on a 
  corselet made of perishable material.8
  Towards the end of the period in question the influence of the warlike 
  Achaeans began to spread the use of more complete forms of armour in 
  Crete. Two fragments of copper trapezoidal plates (48mm x 35mm and 
  Selection of seals from Crete, 
  MMIII:
  a) from Knossos: on this 
  seal stone (end of the 
  Middle Minoan Period – 
  about 1600–1550 BC) the 
  warrior or deity wears a 
  rectangular shield. Because of 
  its small size this shield cannot 
  be considered a body shield, 
  indeed it seems to be a short 
  version of the tower shield 
  used during the same period.
  b) from Haghia Triada: on 
  this seal stone, first dated by 
  Borchhardt as MM III (about 
  1600 BC) but more likely dated 
  at the destruction level of LM IB 
  (about 1450 BC) by Wiener, a 
  possible Minoan boar’s tusk 
  helmet is represented. This 
  helmet shows a large curved 
  crest and some pendants 
  around the lower edge.
  c) Warrior deity with conical 
  cap holding long spear from 
  Knossos (c.1600–1550 BC).
  (Author’s collection)
  7 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 5.
  8 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 34.
  A
  C
  B
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  44
  50mm x 42mm respectively), with holes around the edges and traces of 
  quadruple linen or hemp thread that fastened the copper to a linen backing, 
  have been found in the Tombe dei Nobili of Phaistos dated LH IIB. From the 
  same tomb there is another copper plate fragment (295mm x 120mm) also 
  with small holes for sewing the metal to some sort of backing, which appears 
  to belong to a cuirass. These elements have been variously interpreted as belts, 
  breast protection or parts of mitra. A fictile statue from K�anià near Gortina, 
  dated shortly before the destruction of the Cretan palaces, seems also to 
  represent a warrior equipped with a rigid bell-shaped cuirass fitted with a 
  trimmed edge. The shape of the armour finds clear analogies with the 
  breastplate of the Dendra armour in Argolis and with the small stone vessel in 
  the shape of a cuirass from the grave of the silver and golden cup in Knossos.9
  44
  THE MINOAN THALASSOCRACY: BOARDING OF PIRATE SHIPS IN THE AEGEAN 
  SEA, c.�������
  The scene represents a ‘cleaning up’ operation in the Aegean Sea by a Minoan warship against 
  pirates. Because of the intensive commercial trade between the Aegean population and the 
  Near Eastern Kingdoms, some of the early Aegean ships show several similarities in general 
  shape and design with the Egyptian ships of the same period, which is clearly shown on a large 
  Aegean vase dated around 1700 BC.
  The naval chieftain and the warriors of the Cretan ship are based on some fragments of 
  fresco from Knossos. The Minoan ship is based on the Akrotiri fresco. The large Minoan ships 
  were probably manned by a crew of 42–46 oars and one steering oar. Any ship, even though 
  not properly destined for warfare, was most likely equipped with weapons for use by the crew or 
  passengers in case of attack by hostile populations or pirates. Note, on the ship, the flat projection 
  extending outwards from the stern just above the waterline. Interestingly, these illustrations seem 
  to indicate the feature was added to the hull. The captain’s cabin consists of wooden poles 
  wrapped in oxhide, sometimes decorated with religious symbols both Aegean and Egyptian. 
  These cabins were probably portable so they could be moved on and off the ships.
  F
  Selection of seals from Crete, 
  LM IA–IIB:
  a) from Haghia Triada: on this 
  seal stone, dated LM II (about 
  1500 BC), the warrior on the 
  right seems to be equipped 
  with a spear and a rectangular 
  body shield. The shield’s double 
  edge is well represented. Two 
  small lines on the upper part of 
  the shaft have been interpreted 
  as the elements used to fix 
  the spear point into the shaft. 
  Similar elements are in fact also 
  represented on the spears of the 
  Thera fresco and in at least two 
  other pottery fragments.
  b) from Zakros: the seal, dated 
  LM IA or LM IB, represents a 
  strange deity with equine 
  head and a helmet with 
  conical bands and horsetail.
  c) from Zakros.
  d) from Haghia Triada: on this 
  seal, probably from the last 
  palatial period, a warrior – 
  armed with spear, shield 
  and helmet (with conical 
  bands and long horsetail) – 
  is placed between two 
  figure-of-eight shields.
  e) from Haghia Triada: conical 
  helmets with cheek guards, 
  but in this case equipped with 
  large crest and plumes, are 
  depicted in this seal dated 
  LM IA or LM IB.
  f) from unknown site (Crete).
  (Author’s collection)
  9 WAR 153: Bronze Age Greek Warrior 1600–1100 BC (Osprey Publishing Ltd: Oxford, 2011), p. 31.
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  45
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  46
  FORTIFICATIONS AND SIEGE WARFARE
  One of the primary purposes of the prehistoric development of permanent sites 
  of habitation was defence, as illustrated by the preponderance of settlements 
  on naturally defensible terrain. The first major Aegean urban centres, complete 
  with elaborate fortification systems, flourished in mainland Greece and the 
  Cycladic islands by the second half of the 4th millennium bc.
  The Early Bronze Age Aegean displays a large variation in community size 
  and organization. Small villages (approximately 150–300 people) and scattered 
  hamlets predominate, but in other regions large settlements with a considerable 
  build-up of population (hundreds to the lower thousands) were present. 
  The  difference between large sites and average villages is indicated not only 
  by size, but also by complexity of layout, differentiation in terms of scale and 
  construction of some buildings, and by evidence of the centralization of some 
  political, economical and military activities. Defensive warfare was already 
  organized in a primitive fashion in the fortified settlements of the pre-Minoan 
  cultures such as Kastraki and Dimini in Thessaly, Kastri and Panormos on the 
  Cycladic islands of Syros and Naxos, and Lerna in Argolis.
  The settlement that developed on Kastraki Hill and the area around it 
  covered a large area of at least 100,000 sq. m during the Middle Neolithic 
  Period. The stone foundations of blocks of houses are easily visible. The houses 
  at Kastraki are usually small, with narrow passageways between them, in 
  places forming squares. Outside Kastraki, in the settlement that extended to 
  the west, the houses are rather more spacious with a clearly planned layout. 
  This organized settlement comprised 500–800 houses. All houses have stone 
  foundations, a clay brick superstructure, a pitched roof with beams covered by 
  clay and a hole to emit smoke. The houses were surrounded by large walls, 
  which should not, however, be thought of as defensive work, but merely as 
  retaining walls.
  Selection of early Aegean 
  swords. Aegean sword types 
  are dependent on analysis 
  of the hilt and handle. 
  (Drawing by Andrea Salimbeti)
  1) 2800–2300 BC from Naxos
  2) 2500 BC from Naxos
  3) 2000 BC from Amorgos
  4) 1800 BC from Iraklion
  5) 1800 BC from Ziba
  6) 1700 BC from Malia
  7) 1700 BC from Zakros
  8) 1700 BC from Aegina
  9) 1700 BC from Malia
  10) 1700 BC from Arkalochori
  11) 1600 BC from Hagioi 
  Theodori
  12) 1450 BC from Knossos
  13) 1450 BC from Knossos
  (Drawing by Andrea Salimbeti)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  47
  In Dimini six curvilinear enclosures, 
  not surviving in their entirety, indicate 
  the phases of habitation development. 
  They were built of local slate and were 
  0.6–1.4m wide. Their height was 1.5m 
  where they were free standing, while 
  at points where they functioned as 
  house walls they reached 1.7m. They 
  were arranged radially and were 
  interrupted at four points by passages 
  0.85–1.1m wide, leading to the interior 
  of the settlement. In this way activity could take place in five areas: the 
  central courtyard and the four sections around it. The passages towards 
  the central courtyard were slightly sloping and partially paved with slats.
  During the most significant period, from 2700 to 2000 bc, the Aegean 
  inhabitants lived in organized settlements and small citadels complete with a 
  fortified wall and bulwark, towers and gates to provide protection against 
  invaders from the sea or internal conflict between various settlements. Despite 
  the absence of any sign of conflict or destruction, the small Cycladic forts 
  presumably reflect the insecurity of the times. The architecture of those 
  fortifications may be viewed as a miniaturized version of the great defensive 
  circuits of earlier stages at sites such as Troy I–II, Limantepe and Lerna. One of 
  the most remarkable fortified Cycladic citadels is Kastri on Syros. Located on a 
  steep hilltop, its fortifications consist of a wall with six hollow projecting bastions 
  built of small to medium slabs. Outside the wall there is a second defensive wall 
  or breastwork. Entrance into the fort is gained through one of the bastions. The 
  interior of the settlement consists of clusters of small rooms. Panormos on Naxos 
  is another small fortification; the interior is irregular, with several roughly 
  semicircular bastions and a single entrance from the east. There is no clear 
  purpose to a pile of circular stones lying just outside this entrance. Mount 
  Kynthos on Delosa was probably another small fort perched on a hill consisting 
  of several bastions, within which were some irregularly shaped rooms and at 
  least three small apsidal houses.
  Selection of early Aegean spear 
  points:
  1) 2700–2300 BC from Amorgos
  2) 2300 BC from Dokathismata
  3) 2300 BC from Haghia 
  Paraskevi
  4) 2300–2000 BC from Amorgos
  5) 2000 BC from Amorgos
  6) 2000 BC from Sesklo
  7) 2300–2000 BC from Vounous 
  (Cyprus)
  8) 1900–1700 BC from Vounous 
  (Cyprus)
  9) 2000–1800 BC from Malia
  10) 1600 BC from Archanes
  11) 1500 BC from Apolodou
  12) 1500 BC from Haghios 
  Onofrios
  13) 1500 BC from Haghios 
  Onofrios
  14) 1500 BC from Archanes
  15) 1500–1450 BC from Knossos.
  (Drawing by Andrea Salimbeti)
  Selection of early Aegean 
  daggers:
  1) 5500 BC from Aya Marina
  2) 4800 BC from Ayios Dimitrios
  3) 4800–3300 BC from Dimini
  4) 4800–3300 BC from Sesklo
  5) 2800–2300 BC from Amorgos
  6) 2000 BC from Cyprus
  7) 2000–1800 BC from Kretes
  8) 1700 BC from Haghia Triada
  9) 2300–1900 BC from Mesara
  10) 1700 BC from Psychro Cave
  11) 1600 BC from Malia
  12) 1700–1600 BC from Malia
  13) 1700 BC from Haghios 
  Onofrios
  14) 1600 BC from Haghia Triada
  15) 1600 BC from Haghia Triada
  16) 1450–1400 BC from 
  Archanes (razor).
  (Drawing by Andrea Salimbeti)
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  48
  Lerna is one of the largest (c.180 sq. m.) prehistoric mounds in southern 
  Greece and probably owed its importance to its position on the narrow strip of 
  land between sea and mountains that formed the route from the Argolid to the 
  South Peloponnese. It is located in the marshy region on the Gulf of Argos 
  (10km south of Argos). Early Bronze Age Lerna had substantial fortified walls 
  and a palace or administrative centre in a central building referred to as the 
  ‘House of Tiles’. This was a large two-storey building with terracotta roof tiles 
  and several storage rooms where clay sealings were found. In classical times the 
  area was claimed as home of the Nereids, the place where Herakles slew the 
  Hydra and the location of the entrance to Hades (through the Aleyonean Lake).
  The major Cyprean settlements in the Bronze Age, located along the coast 
  and in the central part of the island, were built as defensive fortresses, generally 
  of square or rectangular design, surrounded by a massive wall about 6m high 
  and closed on all four sides by defensive ramparts. All around the fortress were 
  dwellings for the soldiers and the access gate was in some cases protected by a 
  rectangular tower.
  Archaeological surveys show that sites of habitation were more likely to be 
  located away from the coast in the intermediate zone, suggesting Minoans felt 
  vulnerable to attack from the sea, 
  presumably by pirates. Further 
  support comes from structures 
  referred to as guardhouses or 
  guard posts that are present both 
  in the countryside and adjacent 
  to settlements, and which appear 
  to have had a defensive function. 
  A different suggestion for the role 
  of the guard posts and smaller 
  sites, called vigla in modern 
  times, was initially advanced by 
  Arthur Evans – that they were 
  established to exercise ‘palatial 
  control over the routes and 
  therefore circulation’ on Crete. In 
  either case, they suggest some 
  Arrowheads from Phaistos, 
  16th century BC. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
  Selection of early Aegean 
  helmets and caps from 5000 to 
  1500 BC, from frescos, finds and 
  sculptures. (Drawing by Andrea 
  Salimbeti)
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  49
  degree of underlying social or political conflict. A differing view that is 
  consistent with the peaceful Minoan model sees these structures as rest posts 
  along communication routes, although some sites are located on largely 
  inaccessible ridges. One example of a guard post lies on a ridge overlooking 
  the Choiromandres Valley. It appears to belong to a ‘network of isolated 
  buildings of similar size and topography, whose aim was the control of the 
  communication axes and the defense of the hinterland’. Another line of 
  evidence is the presence of what are termed ‘refuge sites’ on almost inaccessible 
  locations in regions that were accessible from the sea. These seem to have been 
  secure places to which the inhabitants of local settlements could relocate in 
  times of danger and insecurity.
  Despite having found ruined watchtowers and fortification walls, Evans 
  argued that there was little evidence for ancient Minoan fortifications. But, 
  as S. Alexiou has pointed out, a number of sites, especially Early and Middle 
  Minoan sites such as Haghia Photia, are built on hilltops or are otherwise 
  fortified. According to Nowicki, quoting the example of Myrtos-Phyrgos, 
  one of the hundreds of fortified sites already particularly common by the 
  end of the Protopalatial Period, the history of the defensible and fortified 
  sites in Crete is long and complex, and points to the tension between 
  territories or states on the island as a whole, going back as far as the 
  Prepalatial Period.
  Clear evidence of the presence of fortifications in Neopalatial Crete is 
  visible in the recently discovered clay seal of the Lord of Chanià (the ‘Master 
  Impression’), where a fortified structure, crowned with sacral horns, appears 
  raised on the top of a cliff in front of the sea. Archaeological evidence of 
  centres quickly fortified in emergency or against violent attack appears in 
  particular from the end of MM II, with the construction of the defensive 
  squared walls in Pyrgos where the area was furnished with two cisterns, and 
  the discovery, in Malia, of metallic tripods hidden underground, as if the 
  inhabitants feared a raid and tried to keep their most precious objects safe. 
  Also, Walberg proposed a military cause for the second destruction of 
  Phaistos Palace, linked with the classical Kamares MM II pottery.
  Type II variant B decorative 
  dagger from Knossos, ex 
  Evans 1921, dated by Evans 
  to MM period (1700 BC), but 
  most probably dated to LM IA 
  or LM IB period (1500–1400 BC). 
  The engraved bronze dagger 
  blade shows a warrior engaged 
  in a boar hunt and a fight 
  between bulls. The handle 
  attachment of many daggers 
  was weak and many specimens, 
  such as this, show breaks 
  precisely at the points of 
  the rivets holes.
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  50
  EARLY AEGEAN SHIPS AND THE NAVAL POWER 
  OF CRETE
  Early navigation in the Aegean has been testified by the tools made of Melian 
  obsidian, which were found in Franchthi Cave in Hermionid (on the eastern 
  coast of the Peloponnese), a distance of 80 nautical miles (approximately 
  150km) from Melos. Such tools, which have also been found on Crete 
  (Knossos) and on Cyprus, substantiate the existence of sea routes in the 
  Aegean from the Early to the Final Neolithic Period (6800–3200 bc).
  A clay model from Palaikastro dated around 3000 bc is one of the earliest 
  representations of an Aegean ship. In this model, one side of the hull 
  terminates in a lofty vertical post, while the other, with no upright fixture at 
  all, trails off into horizontal extension at the waterline. Another clay model 
  from Mochlos dated around 3000–2700 bc represents a small craft with two 
  stem-projecting forefoot together with raised stem. This kind of ship, 
  distinguished by straight lines, angled ends and a lofty prow, seems to be the 
  prototype for later Greek warships and merchant ships.
  One of the earliest large Aegean ships is represented on some Cycladic 
  terracotta ‘frying pans’ from Syros dated around 2500–2000 bc. This 
  multi-oared galley has a long vertical prow with a fish symbol mounted on 
  top, perhaps acting as a weather vane to detect wind direction. Also the 
  cords or beams hanging below the fish symbol might conceivably act as 
  some sort of wind catching device.
  Large ships of similar design with fish symbols on top of their prow are 
  very much in evidence in several Cycladic representations dated around 
  2500–2000 bc. A ship with a Cycladic-like design is also one of the symbols 
  on the disc from Phaistos. On the Greek mainland a ship scene has been 
  restored from three small pottery fragments from Iolkos dated in the Middle 
  Helladic Period (about 2000–1700 bc). The polychrome design, according to 
  the Cycladic tradition, shows a short vessel, thickly outlined, the reserved 
  interior filled with a zigzag pattern; there is a stout curved ram on the prow 
  and a steering oar.
  A large number of Minoan seals dated around 2000–1500 bc show very 
  different kinds of ships. Some of these ships also show an asymmetrical profile, 
  Bronze votive double axe 
  from Zakros dated about  
  1525–1450 BC (LM IB). This 
  beautiful example from 
  Zakros Palace, West Wing, 
  Room XXV, is 48cm long. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  51
  a high stem at one end and low extension at 
  the other. Even if, as a rule, the illustrations are 
  very schematic, the repetition of certain details 
  adds credibility to the depictions. For example 
  the forked appearance of the lofty stem as well 
  as the mast and the sail.
  Several types of Aegean ship are depicted in 
  the famous fresco from Akrotiri on Thera, 
  dated around 1600 bc. One image shows a 
  small boat with ten oars, one steering oar and 
  a skipper or high-rank passenger. The sterns of 
  the ships are long and slender with mysterious 
  objects attached, similar to the Aegean ‘frying 
  pan ship’. If a storm blew up against the side of 
  the vessel, the stem would catch the wind while 
  the stern appendage dragged in the water, 
  turning the vessel around until the stern 
  pointed into the waves.
  Another highly decorated medium-size ship shows the mast, the sail, two 
  steering oars, some passengers and the ‘ship’s captain’ in a cabin located at the 
  back of the ship. The stern appendage was not present in the small and 
  medium-size ships, but it seems to be a distinguishing feature of the large 
  vessels. The captain, two attendants and some high-status passengers are 
  usually represented wearing either tunics or long robes. The representations 
  of the large ship also show the stern appendage, long stem with ornaments, 
  central feature and captain’s cabin. On top of the cabin’s central pole a strange 
  object that seems to be a boar’s tusk helmet is placed. In the ships from Thera, 
  these cabins were placed at the back of the ship; for this reason these features 
  have been also identified as cabins for ‘VIPs’ or items of ceremonial significance. 
  It is even possible to interpret them as emblems of the religious leader of the 
  largest ship.
  Based on the artistic representations discovered to date, the Minoan fleet 
  thus appears to have been mainly a trading fleet, but with weapons for 
  defence against pirates.
  THE LIFE OF A WARRIOR
  Duties in the palaces and abroad
  So far only controversial evidence exists for a possible Minoan army, and no 
  evidence at all for Minoan domination of peoples outside Crete. Having 
  accepted, however, the idea of an elite warrior class, its conventions would not 
  be very different from those existing during the same period in Asia Minor and 
  the Fertile Crescent.
  War was conceived not only as a necessity, but also as a duty. Crete, a 
  maritime power, would have defended itself against pirates and commercial 
  competitors, and also extended its markets and business through violence. 
  Wars were conducted to obtain slaves for manpower.
  On the island every city and palace fighting for hegemony would have had 
  to suppress internal riots and keep its borders with its neighbours under 
  control. Even if we accept that the Neopalatial Period in Crete was an age of 
  Seal found in Padiasos, Crete, 
  dated around 1460 BC. This is 
  an early representation of a 
  dual-chariot in Crete, where 
  it was probably introduced by 
  the Achaeans. This chariot was 
  one of the most widely used 
  in the Aegean region. It is 
  characterized by semicircular 
  extensions attached to the 
  back of the chariot box. 
  These extensions were 
  unknown outside 
  Greek-influenced regions. 
  They were probably made 
  from heat-bent wood with 
  either fabric or oxhide 
  stretched across the frame. 
  The box also seems to have 
  had  the same covering, which 
  enclosed it on three sides. 
  Iraklion Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  52
  relative peace, the duties of the warrior 
  elite were directed towards surveillance of 
  the watchtowers and to maintaining the 
  palace status quo.
  Various archaeological findings and 
  classical sources confirm the existence of 
  rural communities organized in clans, 
  obliged to support and maintain the three 
  main dominant classes: a) the king, his 
  family and courtiers; b) the clergy, both priestess and priests, and c) the military, 
  formed by defence troops, naval infantry, instructors and officers.
  Leisure activities
  Sport and hunting were the favourite leisure activities of Aegean warriors. 
  One of the most practised sports in Crete and a central attraction of Aegean 
  society was bull leaping, very often represented in Minoan art. This ritual 
  sport was conducted by young athletes – boys and girls – with the sacral bull 
  and consisted of dangerous acrobatic leaps over the animal. These rituals 
  were a sacral pastime in which warriors were probably also trained to prove 
  their bravery.
  A conical rhyton found in the royal palace of Haghia Triada is decorated 
  with a scene depicting boxers. Some of them are heavily equipped, with gloves 
  and low-profile ‘hollow-eyed’ helmets, as well as banded boots. Some others 
  – who are depicted with slimmer bodies – have only small plumed caps for 
  head protection. A third category of young fighters has no protection on head 
  and hands. Maybe the Minoans were the first to have different categories 
  of boxing? Anyway these games, as well as the bull leaping, certainly had a 
  solemn religious significance. Boxing is often represented in Minoan art 
  as  a  display of physical strength, ability and a symbol of victory. These 
  competitions were passed on from the Minoans to the Achaeans, and were 
  also mentioned by Homer in the Iliad as funeral games in honour of Patroclus.
  Hunting, the bow exercise and running resulted in the young Minoans 
  developing the slim, brawny and muscular bodies represented in their art. 
  Hunting was the most common sport, true training for war; capturing 
  52
  ���������������������������������
  ��� This heavily armoured Gortyna warrior is based on a statuette from K�anià, found in a 
  rural villa near Gortyna. His military accoutrement shows the strong influence of the mainland 
  Achaeans. He is wearing a bronze cuirass, spear and elaborate helmet reconstructed from the 
  Katsamba vase. The armour is an early type of bell-shaped cuirass, worn over a garment with 
  fringed edges. It shows similarities with the breast plate of the Dendra armour from Argolis, 
  and a stone vessel in the shape of a cuirass from the ‘Tomb of the gold and silver cup’ at Knossos. 
  His precious sword is slung across the breast through a baldric. His figure-of-eight body shield is 
  based on pottery representations and reconstructed according to fragments from the Cretan 
  warrior graves of Aghios Nikolaos. ��� The Haghia Triada palace guard is based on one of the 
  figures engraved in the Haghia Triada cup. This warrior is equipped with a long A-type sword. 
  In his left hand he is carrying a sort of plumed stick, probably a command insignia. He is also 
  wearing a gold torque around the neck, probably a symbol of rank, and high boots.
  In the background some examples of swords (Malia, Aghioi Teodoroi, Ialysos), daggers (Aghios 
  Onophrios, Haghia Triada, Haghia Triada), spear points (Archanes, Knossos, Aghios Onophrios) and 
  helmets (Haghia Triada, Phaistos, Zakros) are also illustrated. The reconstruction of a proto-Dipylon 
  shield is based on the gold ring of the ‘treasure of Aigina’ and pendants from Crete.
  G
  Ci-type sword from Phaistos 
  Crete, Tombe dei Nobili, dated 
  about 1450 BC, ex Savignon. 
  This sword is 43cm long and 
  its hilt and horns are decorated 
  with an engraved gold lamina. 
  Gold is still present on one 
  of the bronze rivets of the 
  handgrip; the sword probably 
  belonged to a man, one of the 
  dominant new Achaean elite 
  in Crete. (Author’s collection)
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  53
  1
  2
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  54
  wild bulls – as on the gold Vaphiò Cup – 
  was one of the most fascinating. Hunting 
  birds was probably also widely practised.
  The very high level of freedom enjoyed 
  by Minoan women of the age allowed them 
  to attend games and sports.
  Training and discipline
  Signs of warfare appear in Minoan art and 
  armed warriors are depicted being stabbed 
  in the throat with swords, with violence 
  possibly also occurring in the context of 
  ritual or blood sport. The initiation 
  retirement and the individual deed were 
  probably characteristics of the warrior 
  class in Crete, as can be suggested by 
  various elements, such as the weapons 
  deposits in caves (Ar�alochori, Psychro, 
  Ida), the myth of Theseus (coming from 
  Athens to Crete for his war initiation 
  together with 14 other young boys) or 
  the rituals surviving in the classical age 
  (such as the Athenian Oschophoriai, held 
  in honour of Ariadne and Dyonisos). 
  At Phaistos, still in the classical age, a festival of probable Minoan origin 
  was held. It was called the Ekdisiai. During this festival young boys discard 
  their childhood garments; this tradition was linked to the local cult of the 
  pre-Hellenic Goddess Leto-Pitia.
  Hunting was the usual training for warriors, as confirmed by artistic 
  representation and mythological tradition (Androgeus, son of Minos, taming 
  the wild bull). Sometimes young warriors were trained to hunt in extreme 
  and difficult conditions. To survive they had to use their skill, such as 
  employing tricks and booby traps. The main purpose of these practices was 
  to create elite skilled and strong fighters, good hunters, bowmen and experts 
  in weapons and martial art.
  A possible depiction of early martial arts seems to be featured on a 
  Cycladic figurine from the Cycladic II Period (about 2800–2300 bc), which 
  shows a warrior drawing a dagger with his left hand and blocking with his 
  right. The seals and the iconography of weapons in art are very informative 
  about the identification of warrior types and technology; it is possible to 
  distinguish archers (distance fighting), spear fighters (medium-distance 
  combat), sword fighters (close combat) and sword fighters with spears 
  (combined medium-distance and close combat), in order to get an impression 
  of the different specialities comprising a warrior’s training.
  Analysis of sword types could interestingly reveal details of types of combat 
  and related training. With type A, the weight is far forward of the handle; if the 
  sword was held horizontally during the fight, this would put a lot of pressure 
  on the handle rivets and also on the wrist and elbow joints of the user. A heavy, 
  front-weighted blade creates a lot of inertia, which inevitably lengthens all the 
  movements. This, according to Peatfield, suggests that the two main ways 
  the A-type swords could be used were: a) long-range cutting and thrusting, and 
  Fresco of the ‘black guard’ from 
  Knossos, dated 1450 BC. Iraklion 
  Archaeological Museum. 
  (Author’s photo, courtesy 
  of the museum)
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  55
  b) wide/circular open-arc slashes. These are slow movements and are best 
  suited to single-combat duelling. Sometimes this has suggested the idea that the 
  A-type swords were not functional at all, but rather used only as ritual 
  implements or symbols. In a room in Malia (protopalatial sale �), interpreted 
  as a sacrifice or libation shrine, two examples of these swords have been found. 
  Although the use of swords for sacrifice in Minoan Crete is very much in 
  evidence, the sacralization of swords does not exclude their martial use.
  The development of the full tang in B-type swords not only strengthened 
  the handle, rendering the sword able to survive the clash of sword-on-sword 
  or sword-on-armour contact, but it also radically altered the weapon’s balance, 
  by shifting more of the weight towards the hand. This was the reason for the 
  disproportionate widening of the blade at the guard. The closer the point of 
  balance falls to the handle, the easier and faster a sword can be deployed, 
  causing less stress on the wrist and elbow and increasing the variety of strokes 
  a swordsman can make.
  The longer C-type was probably similar in use to the long-range, 
  cut-and-thrust of type A. In this sense the horned guards were particularly 
  useful. To avoid problems, such as bending the blade under prolonged 
  sword-on-sword clashes or frontal impact on armour or bone, a fighting 
  style was developed that avoided clashing with the opponent’s sword, but 
  parried and deflected it. Thus opposed blades tended to slide along one 
  another and aggressive cuts were made through forward strokes, especially 
  to the limbs. It is surely no coincidence that the study of Minoan warrior 
  graves has revealed evidence of injuries to the weapon-wielding arm.
  Fragment of marble rhyton 
  from Epidauros found together 
  with EH–LH ceramics and idols. 
  At lower right a ship’s cabin is 
  represented. At the base of 
  square, a dolphin prow rears 
  up. To the left is the shoreline 
  where men are depicted 
  marching. At the lower left 
  there are at least two men 
  behind body shields with long 
  batons or spears. (Drawing by 
  Andrea Salimbeti ex Wedde)
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  56
  Belief and belonging
  Most of our knowledge of Aegean prehistoric 
  religion is based on highly questionable 
  hypotheses, the archaeological evidence 
  being scarce and correct interpretation of the 
  material very difficult. However general 
  characteristics of Aegean religion may be 
  understood through analogy with the Near 
  East. Both these societies developed from 
  similar Neolithic farming cultures and many 
  of their basic activities and mentality would 
  have remained the same, reflecting similarities 
  in their religious beliefs. Thus they believed in 
  supernatural powers that could control the 
  weather, the productivity of the soil and 
  the fertility of living creatures. Gifts, offerings 
  of food, drink and living creatures were given 
  or promised to the gods during public 
  ceremonies as well as household rituals and 
  ‘magical’ practices.
  In some communities, such as the Lerna 
  III settlement, a loosely organized ‘animistic’ 
  form of religion, largely based on the home, 
  may have developed. There are in fact a 
  number of open-air sites where this could 
  have been practised, apart from those 
  associated with tombs. There is very little 
  evidence of religious practice in the Cyclades 
  and on the Greek mainland before the 
  Minoan Second Palace Period.
  The Minoan belief system was extremely 
  complex. It evolved out of the Neolithic 
  56
  ����������������������������������������
  ��� The Minoan prince, whose costume and headgear is copied from the famous Prince of Lilies, 
  is equipped with a hypothetical reconstruction of a linen corselet reinforced with bronze plates, 
  as found in Ar�alochori. He is dressed with the typical loin covering of the Minoans, a tight metal 
  belt that seems to be padded inside, and a double apron that reaches halfway down the thigh at 
  the back, merely covering the leather sheath present underneath in the front. Note his elaborate 
  headdress, made from a row of lilies with innumerable stamens projecting. The flower is considered 
  to be a combination of the lily with the Egyptian flowering rush called the papyrus. Another lily 
  projects from the crown, from which, in turn, three long peacock feathers emerge. He is bearing 
  a small rectangular shield based on a seal from Knossos and a typical Minoan double axe. 
  ����The Achaean warlord is equipped with copper or bronze banded armour tentatively 
  reconstructed using the fragmented plates from Phaistos (Tombe dei Nobili) and the Achaean 
  cuirass represented in the Linear B tablets from Knossos. The corselet has overlapping bands, 
  running lengthwise, and in the lower part a larger abdomen protector (zosteres). These 
  elements are sewn upon a linen or leather background with linen laces.
  He is also equipped with a padded helmet and a full figure-of-eight body shield. The padded 
  conical helmet with neck protection, large throat strap and horsetail is from a marble fragment 
  from the island of Keos. ��� The Achaean charioteer is driving a dual-chariot as represented in 
  the seal from Pediasos.
  H
  Minoan clay sealing from 
  Kydonia from the 15th century 
  BC, representing a minotaur 
  armed with a mace or club. 
  Khanià Archaeological 
  Museum. (Author’s photo, 
  courtesy of the museum)
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  57
  1
  2
  3
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  58
  Cretan religion. The evidence of sites of ritual activity can be divided into 
  four broad categories: buildings that are or incorporate shrines, open-air 
  sites (mainly peak sanctuaries), caves and tombs; all of these categories are 
  well attested to in Crete. The commonest ritual actions seem to be the 
  offering of clay objects. Other rites may have taken place as part of major 
  ceremonies including libations, animal sacrifice and in some cases possibly 
  even human sacrifice. Several cult objects are associated with the Minoan 
  religion, such as clay votive bells or horned masks, wheel-made bovid 
  figurines, bronze or gold double axes, horns of consecration, sacral knots 
  and pillars.
  The importance of public ceremonies would surely guarantee special status 
  to those who acted as intermediaries between the community and supernatural 
  powers. One of the major developments in Minoan religion is the emergence 
  of a priestly class, clearly identifiable in artistic representations by dress and 
  other details of appearance or activities. Its origin is probably identifiable from 
  the Prepalatial Period from persons with whom figurines and other ritual items 
  were buried, and whose tombs may have been cult centres. The representations 
  and other evidence show that it included both men and women, and both sexes 
  probably played a dominant role in some rituals. This is a notable contrast 
  with the great Near Eastern religions, in which (although women could hold 
  important positions) priests were generally male.
  Weapons can have different functions and meaning, other than being the 
  means of killing and defence: they can be objects of value through their 
  artistic quality or symbols of power, prestige and authority, of sacrifice, 
  reward or religious meaning. Thus the depositing of sheet swords in the 
  Arkalochori Cave, together with the dozen or so golden double axes and the 
  many silver and bronze examples found with them, can be explained as ritual 
  practice. Daggers had symbolic meaning too. Their association with the dead 
  in the grave suggests that even in death the ownership of a dagger contributes 
  to social identity.
  The context in which the weapons are found and the way of depositing 
  them can often give a clue to their meaning, offering insight into the 
  structure of early Aegean society. Shields and helmets, depicted in certain 
  contexts, were, for example, religious symbols. Deities are sometimes 
  shown with sword, spear or shield; sometimes the objects appear alone, as 
  if standing in for an absent deity. Large figure-of-eight shields were depicted 
  on the walls of the East Wing of the Labyrinth, possibly indicating that the 
  building was under divine protection. Some ritual vessels have shields 
  painted on them.
  During the Second Palace Period the complex iconography detected in the 
  depictions and the elaboration of the rituals indicate the sophistication that 
  the Minoan religion had achieved by this time. During this period several 
  representations of deities or impersonators of gods, such as the so-called 
  ‘Lady of Myrtos’, ‘Mountain Mother’, ‘Priest King’ and ‘Master Impression’, 
  are attested to on clay vessels, frescoes, seal-rings or seal-stones.
  The main goddess of the Minoan pantheon is named Potnia, also called the 
  ‘Lady of the Labyrinth’ in Knossos. She had shrines or sanctuaries in many 
  places and was worshipped at least in the later part of the Minoan Period. 
  The double axe was probably Potnia’s symbol, and possibly the pillar and the 
  snake were her symbols too. In her identity as a domestic goddess and guardian 
  of households and cities, Potnia lived on as Athena, Rhea and Hera. 
  Statuette representing an 
  armoured warrior, found in a 
  Minoan rural villa in K�anià 
  near Gortyna and dated to the 
  second half of the 15th century 
  BC. The date is prior to the 
  destruction of the Cretan 
  palaces and shows the 
  influence of the Knossian 
  Achaeans. (Ex Doro Levi, 
  courtesy of ICEVO library)
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  59
  WARFARE
  In the Palaeolithic Age weapons were mainly used for hunting, but also during 
  clashes between different tribal groups.
  The beginning of the Neolithic Age saw the invention of powerful weapons 
  that would remain in use for the following centuries: the bow, sling, spear, 
  mace and axe. Evidence of early fighting is seen in human remains showing the 
  lethal effects of maces and similar weapons in such conflicts. Middle Bronze 
  Age Lerna material is instructive in this respect: here Angel noted injuries on 
  ten per cent of all skeletal material and another ten per cent of adults had 
  evidence of thrusting wounds.
  In the very Early Bronze Age Aegean settlements a uniform set of weapons 
  was not commonly found in graves and depictions of professional warriors 
  and scenes of combat are conspicuously absent. Most of the early Aegean 
  communities could have recruited only small fighting forces for local conflicts, 
  such as competing for resources, grievances between individuals, revenge or 
  trespassing on territory (even if these disputes were not part of a general 
  expansion strategy). In the course of pre-war activities, war parties were more 
  likely to have been recruited with persuasion rather than force.
  Warriors in tribal societies engaged in war with a combination of objectives, 
  including, most frequently, trophies, booty or women. In any case, individual 
  reasons motivated them. War parties were small – probably five to ten men in 
  the case of villages and up to 50 for major settlements – and had short-term 
  and simple one-tier leadership. Participants prepared their weapons and 
  supplies themselves. All warriors took part in pre-war rituals and public 
  feasting. Offensive tactics included assaults on individual enemy settlements, 
  which were sometimes some distance away. Fighting with long- and middle-
  range weapons without direct contact predominated – hit-and-run raids and 
  ambushes were preferred. Different types of weaponry, such as bows, slings 
  and javelins, were normally used during these offensives.
  In very early Minoan Crete the military leaders had small groups of 
  foot-warriors, sling-men and bowmen under their command, as well as 
  spearmen and warriors armed with short swords. These war parties 
  practised raiding warfare, consisting of rapid action, raids and ambushes. 
  War campaigns were mostly conducted during the fine seasons. Conquered 
  settlements were sacked and completely destroyed by fire. When skeletons 
  are not found on site, archaeologists assume that the inhabitants were 
  taken into slavery and deported. The system of total destruction of the 
  settlement excludes any possibility of ransom. The conquered lands and 
  their farmers were divided between the palace leaders, priests and warriors 
  to whom the king granted property.
  The weapons can supply us with information about the nature of warfare 
  and changes in the methods of conflict. For instance, swords used for cutting 
  and slashing suggest fighting on foot, also confirmed by the early Minoan 
  seals showing combat scenes. The combination of spear, for initial clash, 
  sword for closer contact and dagger as a weapon of last resort, together with 
  a shield, seem to have been standard equipment in the Minoan world.
  Moreover, having warriors armed with thrusting spears, we can also 
  tentatively infer group tactics, such as combat in close formation and 
  coordinated action, as suggested by the marching warriors of the Akrotiri 
  fresco. This fresco seems to suggest that – unlike the usual tactics from the 
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  60
  East, mainly consisting of throwing missiles, followed by close combat with 
  no proper strong battle array – the Minoans had already discovered the 
  secret of cohesive battle formations (possibly a proto-phalanx). The fresco 
  of Thera suggests the employment of a dense battle scheme, formed by a 
  compact array of men – armed with very long spears behind their shields – 
  against the more chaotic attack of their enemy from the sea (possibly 
  Lybians). The only prototype of a similar tactic can be seen on the Sumerian 
  ‘Vulture Stele’ of Lagash dated about 2500 bc. By comparison with the 
  Sumerian tactical model we can assume this proto-phalanx was composed of 
  companies of 36 to 100 men.
  In any case, this iconographic source, together with the fresco of the 
  Captain of the Blacks from Knossos, illustrates that Late Bronze Aegeans at 
  least appreciated the military advantages of the column.
  The structure of some early Aegean fortifications implies open, all-out 
  attacks along the front of the defence wall. Elaborate and massive structures 
  like bastions (providing firing positions to protect the base of the wall and 
  weak points at the entrances) or stone facing on the lower slopes of the 
  settlements as a base for a mud-brick fortification wall on a higher level 
  should be noted. The fortification of Troy II is a classical example, but 
  similar fortification strategies seem to have also been used at other eastern 
  Aegean sites. Consequently, the tactics of massed and concentrated assaults 
  were feared enough to bring about new strategies for defence. Large bastions 
  served probably also as barracks, storage facilities and administrative 
  buildings and could be regarded as symbols of incipient military institution.
  Post-war activities concentrate on ritual observances for people who 
  killed in battle, such as isolation, cleansing or abstinence. Only after those 
  observances do the successful warriors receive higher status. Victory feasts 
  follow purification. All of the dead were retrieved, but there is no sign of the 
  treatment of the bodies of those killed in warfare being any different from 
  any others.
  Warfare also needs to be connected with seafaring activities. Longboats 
  and large canoes have been recognized as high-status sea craft employed in 
  warfare, raiding and possibly prestigious travel. We can thus postulate that 
  individuals of warrior status would also have been involved in seafaring, an 
  activity additionally associated with the movement of goods and the control 
  of maritime traffic.
  Longboat activity played a part in the prosperity and survival of Cycladic 
  communities, while at the same time they provided the social arena in which 
  seafarers/warriors could have achieved their status through glorification. The 
  association of the representation of longboats and exceptionally rich graves 
  also indicates the role of seafaring in the attainment of high social status.
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  61
  SITES, MUSEUMS AND ELECTRONIC 
  RESOURCES
  Athens – the National Archaeological Museum.
  Crete – Iraklion hosts the main archaeological museum, with an astonishing 
  amount of Minoan material. Many military objects and images of warriors 
  and weaponry can be seen in the Archaeological Museum of Chanià and the 
  Malia Archaeological Museum; the sites of Knossos, Phaistos and Haghia 
  Triada are a must-see.
  Cyprus – there are four archaeological museums where relevant cultural 
  material is well illustrated.
  London – the British Museum.
  The main web resource for weaponry of the Bronze Age in Greece can be 
  found on the authors’ website www.salimbeti.com/micenei/index.htm, where 
  you can also find the most relevant links to other websites related to this 
  subject, along with a complete bibliography.
  BIBLIOGRAPHY
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  Athens (2000)
  Andreadaki-Vlazaki, M. & Protopapadaki, E., Kouklaki Excavation, 73–77 
  Igoumenou Gabriel Street, Khanià, Khanià (Kydonia), a Tour of sites of 
  ancient memories, 16, Khanià (2010)
  Borchardt, J., Homerische Helme, Mainz (1972)
  Cawkwell, G., Thucydides and the Peloponnesian War, New York (1997)
  Cassola, P. G., Le armi defensive dei Micenei nelle figurazioni, Roma (1973)
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  Connolly, P., The Greek Armies, Oxford (1977)
  Constantakopoulou, C., The dance of the islands, insularity, networks, the Athenian 
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  LM III period: the evidence from pottery’ in Polemos, le contexte guerrier en 
  égée à l’âge du bronze, Actes de la 7e rencontre égéenne internationale 
  Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, Liège (1999), pp. 47–55
  D’Amato R. & Salimbeti A., Bronze Age Greek Warrior, 1600–1100 B.C., 
  Oxford (2011)
  Demargne, P., Arte Egea, Milano (1964)
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  Bronze Age’ in Polemos, le contexte guerrier en égée à l’âge du bronze, Actes de 
  la 7e rencontre égéenne internationale Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, 
  Liège (1999), pp. 21–29
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  Studien und Ausgrabungen auf der Insel Leukas-Ithaka, II Bände,  
  München-Gräfelfing (1927)
  Driessen, J. & Macdonald, C. F., ‘Some Military Aspects of the Aegean in the Late 
  Fifteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries B.C.’ in BSA 79 (1984), pp. 49–74
  Driessen, J., ‘The Archaeology of the Aegean Warfare’ in Polemos, le contexte 
  guerrier en égée à l’âge du bronze, Actes de la 7e rencontre égéenne 
  internationale Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, Liège (1999), pp. 11–20
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  62
  Evans, A., The Palace of Minos: a comparative account of the successive stages 
  of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries at Knossos. 
  Volume I: The Neolithic and Early and Middle Minoan Ages, London (1921)
  Evans, A., The Palace of Minos: a comparative account of the successive stages 
  of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries at Knossos. 
  Volume II: Fresh lights on origin and external relations, London (1928)
  Evans, A., The Palace of Minos: a comparative account of the successive stages 
  of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries at Knossos. 
  Volume III: The great transitional age in the northern and eastern sections 
  of the Palace, London (1930)
  Evans, A., The Palace of Minos: a comparative account of the successive stages 
  of the early Cretan civilization as illustrated by the discoveries at Knossos. 
  Volume IV Part II: Camp-stool fresco, long-robed priests and beneficent 
  genii, Chryselephantine Boy-God and ritual hair-offering; Intaglio Types, 
  M.M. III–L. M. II, late hoards of sealings, deposits of inscribed tablets and the 
  palace store; Linear Script B and its mainland extension, Closing Palatial Phase; 
  Room of Throne and final catastrophe, London (1935)
  Faure, P., La vita quotidiana a Creta ai tempi di Minosse (1500 a.C.), Milano (1991)
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  Greece’ in Polemos, le contexte guerrier en égée à l’âge du bronze, Actes de la 7e 
  rencontre égéenne internationale Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, Liège 
  (1999), pp. 31–37
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  rencontre égéenne internationale Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, 
  Liège (1999), pp. 39–45
  Grguric, N., The Myceneans, c.1650–1100 BC, Oxford (2005)
  Hiller, S., ‘Pax Minoica versus Minoan Thalassocracy: Military Aspects of Minoan 
  Culture’ in Haegg, R. & Marinatos, N. (eds.), The Minoan Thalassocracy: 
  Myth and Reality. Proceedings of the Third International Symposium at the 
  Swedish Institute in Athens, 31 May – 5 June 1982, Skrifter utgivna av 
  Svenska Institutet i Athen 4, 32, Goeteborg (1983), pp. 27–31
  Höckmann, O., ‘Lanze und Speer im Spätminoischen und Mykenischen 
  Griechenland’ in JbRGZM 27 (1980), pp. 13–158
  Hood, S. ‘Shaft Grave Swords: Mycenaean or Minoan?’ in Pepragmena tou 
  D’ Diethnous Kretologikou Synedriou, Athens (1980), I, pp. 234–237
  Houston, M. G., Ancient Greek, Roman and Byzantine costume & decoration, 
  London (1977)
  Karageorghis, V., Cipro, Milano (2002)
  Karykas, P., Ancient military technique (6000–146 a.C), n. 32, Polemikes 
  Monografies, Athens (2003) (in Greek)
  Kilian-Dirlmeier, I., Die Schwerter in Griechenland (außerhalb der Peloponnes), 
  Bulgarien und Albanen, Stuttgart (1993)
  Levi, D., ‘La villa rurale minoica di Gortina’ in Bollettino d’ arte, 1959, n.3, 
  pp. 237–265
  Liritzis, Y. & Galloway, R. B., ‘Thermoluminescence dating of Neolithic Sesklo and 
  Dimini, Thessaly, Greece’ in P.A.C.T Journal (1982) 6, pp. 450–459
  Liritzis, Y. & Dixon, J., ‘Cultural contacts between Neolithic settlements of Sesklo 
  and Dimini, Thessaly’ in Anthropologika (1984) 5, pp. 51–62 (in Greek)
  Marinatos, N., Art and Religion in Thera, reconstructing a bronze age society, 
  Athens (1984)
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  Martin J. & Denoel, J., Le costume antique (1), Pantin (1999)
  Mina, M., ‘In search of the Cycladic hunter-warrior: evidence and implications for 
  the understanding of gender construction and roles in the Early Bronze Age 
  Aegean’ in Dommasnes, L.H., Hjørungdal, T., Montón-Subías, S., Sánchez 
  Romero, M. & Wicker, N. L. (eds.), Situating Gender in European 
  Archaeologies (Archaeolingua, Series Minor), Budapest (2010), pp. 225–244
  Molloy, B., ‘Martial arts and materiality: a combat archaeology perspective on 
  Aegean swords of the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries bc’ in World 
  Archaeology 40(1): pp. 116–134
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  Warszawa (1986)
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  in Polemos, le contexte guerrier en égée à l’âge du bronze, Actes de la 7e 
  rencontre égéenne internationale Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, Liège 
  (1999), pp. 67–75
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  Minoan graves near Knossos’ in BSA 69 (1974), pp. 195–258
  Sandars, N. K., ‘The First Aegean Swords and Their Ancestry’ in American Journal 
  of Archaeology Vol 65 No. 1 (January 1961), pp. 17–29
  Savignoni, L., ‘Scavi e scoperte nella necropoli di Phaestos’ in Monumenti Anichi 
  della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, XIV, Milano (1905), col. 501–666
  Snodgrass, A., Arms and Armour of the Greeks, Ithaca-NY (1967)
  Soles, J. F., ‘The collapse of Minoan civilization: the evidence of the broken Ashlar’ 
  in Polemos, le contexte guerrier en égée à l’âge du bronze, Actes de la 7e 
  rencontre égéenne internationale Université de Liège, 14–17 avril 1998, Liège 
  (1999), pp. 57–64
  Thanasis Papdopoulos, J., The Late Bronze Age Daggers of the Aegean, I – 
  The Greek Mainland, Stuttgart (1998)
  Wiener, M., ‘The tale of the conical cups’ in Hagg, R. and Marinatos, N. Crete and 
  the Cyclads in LM1, Myth and reality (1984), pp. 17–26
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  64
  References to illustrations and plates are shown 
  in bold. Captions to plates are shown in brackets.
  Achaeans  5, 8, 10, 14, 19, 29; and armour  
  39, 41, 43–44; invasion of  57 (56)
  Aegean Sea  7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 23–24, 45 (44), 50
  Aegina  41, 43
  Akrotiri fresco  27–28, 30, 31, 33 (32), 39, 41, 
  51, 59–60
  Amorgos  26, 32, 38
  Anatolia  5, 7, 23, 36, 28, 40
  animal skins  20, 22, 39, 42; see also leather
  archaeology  4, 10, 12, 48, 49
  Archanes  27
  archers  26, 41, 43
  Argolis  31, 44, 46
  Arkalochori Cave  36, 43, 54, 58
  armour  53 (52), 57 (56), 58; body  42–44; 
  helmets  21 (20), 25 (24), 31, 33 (32), 35, 
  40–42, 44, 48; shields  9 (8), 29, 38–40, 42, 
  43, 44
  Asia Minor  4, 6, 7, 12, 51
  Ayios Ioannis  19, 39
  Balkans, the  24, 38
  belts  20, 22, 32
  blades  26–27, 28, 30, 34, 36
  boar’s tusks  35, 40–41, 42, 43
  body paint  20, 21 (20); see also tattoos
  bronze  4, 16, 23, 27, 28, 29, 38, 39, 42
  Bronze Age  4, 6–7, 14, 24, 26, 28, 29, 34, 35, 59
  bull leaping  52
  burial rites  6, 14, 38
  ‘Captain of Blacks’ fresco  14, 54, 60
  Chalcolithic Era  6
  chariots  14, 25 (24), 51
  clay  4, 35, 41, 46, 48, 50, 58
  clothing  9 (8), 17 (16), 20, 22, 57 (56); 
  and women  33 (32); see also armour: 
  body; loincloths
  copper  4, 5, 6, 7, 14, 15, 16, 23, 28, 29, 36, 44
  Crete  5, 7–8, 10, 14, 18, 50, 52; and armour  
  40, 41, 42; and clothing  20, 22; and fortiﬁed 
  settlements  48–9; and military organization  
  19, 51–2, 54; and religion  58; and warriors  
  33 (32); and weaponry  26–27, 28, 29, 30–32, 
  34, 36, 37, 38; see also Minoans
  Cyclades, the  4–5, 15, 16, 40, 50, 60; and 
  military organization  12–13, 14, 16, 22, 54; 
  settlements  17 (16), 46, 47; and weaponry  
  30, 32, 36, 38
  Cyprus  5–7, 26, 28, 36, 48, 50
  defence  46, 47, 48, 60
  deities  28, 58
  Diktaian Cave  36
  Dimini  4, 5, 23, 26, 32, 46, 47
  Egypt  4, 7, 14
  Epirus  39
  Evans, Sir Arthur  8, 15, 31, 48, 49
  farming  4, 5, 6, 12, 56
  festivals  54, 60
  fortiﬁed settlements  6–7, 12, 46, 47, 48–49, 60
  Franchthi Cave  50
  frescoes  38, 54; see also Akrotiri fresco
  geneaology  10
  graves  12, 13, 14, 19, 26, 36, 38, 41, 43, 55, 58
  guardhouses  48–49
  Haghia Photia  49
  Haghia Triada  28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 41, 
  42, 43, 44, 52
  hair  21 (20)
  headgear  12, 22; see also armour: helmets
  Heraklion  41
  Herodotus  15
  hieroglyphics  37
  Hisarlik Hill  36, 40
  Homer  52
  horses  12, 14
  housing  4, 46–47
  hunter-warriors  12–13, 14, 16, 20, 22, 37
  hunting  5, 24, 52, 54, 59
  Indo-Europeans  8, 25 (24)
  Ionian islands  4, 30
  ivory  34, 41, 42
  jewellery  21 (20), 22, 42
  Kastraki Hill  46
  Kastri-Chalandriani  17 (16), 46, 47
  Ke-re-te  8, 10, 14, 21 (20)
  Kea  12, 41
  Kephala  42
  Keros-Syros culture  36
  Khanià-Kydonia  19, 22, 38, 40, 44
  Khirokitia culture  5
  Knossos  8, 14, 18, 19, 27, 28, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 
  43, 54, 58, 60; conquest of  57 (56)
  ‘Lady of the Labyrinth’  58
  leather  20, 38, 39, 40, 42
  Lerna  46, 47, 48, 56, 59
  linen  20, 38, 40, 42, 44
  loincloths  20, 21 (20), 22
  Lord of Chanià  49
  Loutraki  36
  Lybians  33 (32)
  mainland Greece  4, 7, 10, 18–19, 46; 
  and armour  42; and migration  25 (24); and 
  military organization  12; and seafaring  50; 
  and weaponry  26–27, 36
  Malia  30, 34, 37, 49
  maritime trade  6, 15, 16
  Mediterranean Sea  7, 15, 16
  Melos  4, 50
  Mesopotamia  4, 7
  Messara  34
  metallurgy  6, 7, 12–13, 23–24
  migration  4, 6, 8, 10, 25 (24)
  military organization  12–14, 19, 59
  Minoans  5, 7–8, 18–19, 20, 41, 52; and 
  fortiﬁed settlements  48–9; and military 
  organization  14, 51, 53 (52), 54, 59–60; and 
  religion  10, 56, 58; and seafaring  50–51; 
  and thalassocracy  15–16, 45 (44); and 
  weaponry  34, 36
  Minos, King  8, 15, 16
  Mochlos  10, 36, 50
  mosaics  26, 37
  Mount Kynthos  47
  Mycenae  30
  Naxos  12, 23, 29, 32, 46, 47
  Near East  6, 23, 56, 58
  Neolithic Period  35, 37, 38, 40, 46, 50, 59; 
  settlements  4, 5, 6, 20, 23–24
  New Hospital  19, 39
  obsidian  4, 6, 35, 37–38, 50
  Palaikastro  50
  Palatial Periods  29, 36, 42, 49, 51–52, 58
  Paleolithic Period  23, 59
  Panormos  46, 47
  Peloponnese  10, 48, 50
  Phaistos  28, 31, 36, 38, 41, 44, 49, 54; Disc  36, 
  37, 40, 50
  Philia culture  36
  Phocis  23
  piracy  15, 16, 45 (44), 48, 51
  Polycrates of Samos  15
  population ﬁgures  12, 19, 46
  Potnia  58
  pottery  4, 5, 15 29, 36, 39, 40, 49, 50; 
  see also vases
  prestige goods  12, 13
  Proto-Hellenes  8, 10
  Pyrgos  49
  religion  6, 7, 10, 19, 29, 36, 52, 56, 58
  Rhodes  27, 31
  rhyton  32, 41, 52, 55
  rituals  54, 58, 59, 60
  Sanatorium  38
  seafaring  4, 16, 28, 50–51, 60
  seals  6, 22, 27, 28, 37, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 49
  Sesklo  4, 9 (8), 12, 23, 26, 32, 35, 40
  settlements  12, 59; see also fortiﬁed settlements
  ships  45 (44), 50–51, 55
  Sicily  15
  Sotira culture  5
  statuettes  6, 12, 14, 16, 32, 58
  stone  28, 36
  symbolism  12, 50
  Syro-Palestine  5, 7
  Syros  12, 17 (16), 46, 47, 50
  tactics  59–60
  tattoos  9 (8), 17 (16)
  thalassocracy  15–16, 45 (44)
  Theokaris  12
  Thera  19, 27, 39, 41, 51, 60
  Theseus  54
  Thessaly  12, 35, 37, 46
  Thucydides  15, 16
  tools  4, 6, 28, 36, 50
  Troy  15, 36, 40, 47, 60
  Tsountas  12
  vases  29, 34, 39, 42, 43
  votive objects  18, 36, 58
  Vounous  26
  warfare  10, 13, 46, 51, 54–55, 59–60
  warriors  10, 21 (20), 30, 31, 51, 52, 53 (52), 
  58, 59
  weaponry  4, 6, 7, 12, 13, 14, 23–24, 58, 59; 
  axes  8, 9 (8), 27, 35–36, 37, 50; bows and 
  arrows  9 (8), 37–38, 48; daggers  6, 9 (8), 
  10, 13, 15, 18, 23, 28–32, 34–35, 36, 47, 
  49; hammerheads  28, 36; javelins  24, 26–8; 
  knives  14; maces  36; slings  35; spears  9 (8), 
  10, 14, 15, 17 (16), 24, 26–8, 33 (32), 47; 
  swords  21 (20), 22, 23, 24, 27, 28–32, 46, 
  52, 53 (52), 54–55
  women  13, 17 (16), 25 (24), 33 (32), 54, 58
  Zakros  28, 30, 39, 42, 44
  INDEX
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  P U B L I S H I N G
  © Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
  
  First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Osprey Publishing,
  Midland House, West Way, Botley, Oxford OX2 0PH, UK
  43-01 21st Street, Suite 220B, Long Island City, NY 11101, USA
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  © 2013 Osprey Publishing Ltd
  OSPREY PUBLISHING IS PART OF THE OSPREY GROUP.
  All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private 
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  Designs and Patents Act, 1988, no part of this publication may be 
  reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form 
  or by any means, electronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, 
  photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written 
  permission of the copyright owner. Enquiries should be addressed 
  to the Publishers.
  A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
  ISBN: 978 1 78096 858 2
  E-book ISBN: 978 1 78096 860 5
  PDF ISBN: 978 1 78096 859 9
  Editorial by Ilios Publishing Ltd, Oxford, UK (www.iliospublishing.com)
  Index by Zoe Ross
  Typeset in Myriad Pro and Sabon
  Artwork by Giuseppe Rava
  Originated by PDQ Media, UK
  Printed in China through Worldprint Ltd
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  www.ospreypublishing.com
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  Every effort has been made by the Publisher to secure 
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  DeDication
  To Paola Cassola Guida, a great teacher and scholar of Aegean weaponry.
  acknowleDgements
  The authors would like to thank all the scholars and friends who have 
  helped in the realization of this book, as well as the museums and 
  institutes visited.
  A particular acknowledgement is due to Lucia Alberti (PHD) of the Istituto 
  di Studi sulle civiltà dell’Egeo e del Vicino Oriente (ICEVO) at the Consiglio 
  Nazionale delle ricerche of Rome for her help in supplying important 
  iconographic material.
  The authors would especially like to thank the following institutes and 
  museums: the National Archaeological Museum of Athens, the Volos 
  Archaeological Museum, the Iraklion Museum, the British Museum, the 
  Louvre Museum, the Archaeological Museum of Khanià, the ICEVO Library 
  and the Library of the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut of Athens.
  The authors are deeply grateful also to Stefanie Groener (BA) for linguistic 
  assistance and help in editing the English text.
  Finally, special acknowledgement must be given to the illustrator 
  Giuseppe Rava, who has brought to the life the Aegean ancient world 
  in such a lavish manner.
  aRtist’s note
  Readers may care to note that the original paintings from which the 
  colour  plates in this book were prepared are available for private sale. 
  The Publishers retain all reproduction copyright whatsoever. All enquiries 
  should be addressed to:
  Guiseppe Rava, Via Borgotto 17, 18018 Faenza (RA), Italy
  www.g-rava.it
  info@g-rava.it
  The Publishers regret that they can enter into no correspondence upon 
  this matter.
  abbReviations
  BSA = British School of Athens
  EC = Early Cycladic
  EM = Early Minoan
  MM = Medium Minoan
  JbRGZM = Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz
  LM = Late Minoan
  LH = Late Helladic
  P.A.C.T. Journal = Professional Association of Classroom Teachers Magazine
  the wooDlanD tRust
  Osprey Publishing are supporting the Woodland Trust, the UK’s leading 
  woodland conservation charity, by funding the dedication of trees.
  
SOURCE: textdata/thevault/Osprey System/Warrior Series (WAR)/Osprey - WAR 167 - Early Aegean Warrior 5000-1450BC.pdf