title: Ambitus

abstract: In ancient Roman law, ambitus was a crime of political corruption, mainly a candidate's attempt to influence the outcome of an election through bribery or other forms of soft power. The Latin word ambitus is the origin of the English word "ambition" which is another of its original meanings; ambitus was the process of "going around and commending oneself or one's protégés to the people," an activity liable to unethical excesses. In practice, bringing a charge of ambitus against a public figure became a favored tactic for undermining a political opponent. The Lex Baebia was the first law criminalizing electoral bribery, instituted by M. Baebius Tamphilus during his consulship in 181 BC. The passage of Rome's first sumptuary law the previous year suggests that the two forms of legislation are related; both were aimed at curbing wealth-based inequities of power and status within the governing classes. The temptation to indulge in bribery indicates that the traditional patron-client relationship was insufficient to gather enough votes to win election. The word ambitus for electoral corruption is a general term for the crime; defendants would have been charged under a specific statute (lex). The 2nd-century BC Greek historian Polybius, a major source on the workings of the Roman constitution, makes the extravagant assertion that while Carthaginians acquire public office by openly offering gifts, the penalty at Rome for doing so is death. The point is perhaps that ambitus could be construed as treason under some circumstances. The rhetorical tactics of Cicero's speeches demonstrate how an initial charge of ambitus, under whatever statute, might devolve into an occasion for impugning or humiliating a public figure. Popularist politicians were particularly vulnerable to charges of currying favor with the masses, and ambitus might be alleged when a man of lower social rank defeated his superior in an election: "The defeat of a candidate boasting nobilitas by another not in possession of such standing appears to have been sufficient grounds for initiating a charge of ambitus." During the Imperial era, the ambitious politician yielded of necessity to the bureaucrat in the holding of Roman magistracies. The Stoic philosopher Epictetus recoiled from the rough-and-tumble of electoral politics and ambitus: For the sake of these mighty and dignified offices and honours you kiss the hands of another man's slaves — and are thus the slaves of men who are not free themselves. … If you wish to be consul you must give up your sleep, run around, kiss men's hands, rot away at other men's doors … send presents to many and daily xenia [guest-gifts] to some. And what is the result? Twelve bundles of rods, sitting three or four times on the tribunal, giving games in the Circus, and distributing meals in little baskets. Bribery of a person already holding office was covered by laws de repetundae; provincial governors were particularly susceptible to such charges.

text:
# Ambitus

In ancient Roman law, ***ambitus*** was a crime of political corruption, mainly a candidate's attempt to influence the outcome (or direction) of an election through bribery or other forms of soft power. The Latin word *ambitus* is the origin of the English word "ambition" which is another of its original meanings; *ambitus* was the process of "going around and commending oneself or one's protégés to the people," an activity liable to unethical excesses. In practice, bringing a charge of *ambitus* against a public figure became a favored tactic for undermining a political opponent.

The *Lex Baebia* was the first law criminalizing electoral bribery, instituted by M. Baebius Tamphilus during his consulship in 181 BC. The passage of Rome's first sumptuary law the previous year suggests that the two forms of legislation are related; both were aimed at curbing wealth-based inequities of power and status within the governing classes. The temptation to indulge in bribery indicates that the traditional patron-client relationship was insufficient to gather enough votes to win election.

The word *ambitus* for electoral corruption is a general term for the crime; defendants would have been charged under a specific statute (*lex*). The 2nd-century BC Greek historian Polybius, a major source on the workings of the Roman constitution, makes the extravagant assertion that while Carthaginians acquire public office by openly offering gifts, the penalty at Rome for doing so is death. The point is perhaps that *ambitus* could be construed as treason under some circumstances.

The rhetorical tactics of Cicero's speeches demonstrate how an initial charge of *ambitus*, under whatever statute, might devolve into an occasion for impugning or humiliating a public figure. Popularist politicians were particularly vulnerable to charges of currying favor with the masses, and *ambitus* might be alleged when a man of lower social rank defeated his superior in an election: "The defeat of a candidate boasting *nobilitas* by another not in possession of such standing appears to have been sufficient grounds for initiating a charge of *ambitus*."

During the Imperial era, the ambitious politician yielded of necessity to the bureaucrat in the holding of Roman magistracies. The Stoic philosopher Epictetus (1st–2nd centuries AD) recoiled from the rough-and-tumble of electoral politics and *ambitus*:

> For the sake of these mighty and dignified offices and honours you kiss the hands of another man's slaves — and are thus the slaves of men who are not free themselves. … If you wish to be consul you must give up your sleep, run around, kiss men's hands, rot away at other men's doors … send presents to many and daily *xenia* \[guest-gifts\] to some. And what is the result? Twelve bundles of rods, sitting three or four times on the tribunal, giving games in the Circus, and distributing meals in little baskets.

Bribery of a person already holding office was covered by laws *de repetundae*; provincial governors were particularly susceptible to such charges.

## Terminology

A candidate was called *petitor*, and his opponent with reference to him, *competitor*. A candidate (*candidatus*) was so called from his appearing in the public places, such as the *fora* and *Campus Martius*, before his fellow-citizens, in a whitened (*candidus*) toga. On such occasions, the candidate was attended by his friends (*deductores*), or followed by the poorer citizens (*sectatores*), who could in no other manner show their good will or give their assistance. The word *assiduitas* expressed both the continual presence of the candidate at Rome, and his continual solicitations. The candidate, in going his rounds or taking his walk, was accompanied by a *nomenclator*, who gave him the names of such persons as he might meet; the candidate was thus enabled to address them by their name, an indirect compliment which could not fail to be generally gratifying to the electors. The candidate accompanied his address with a shake of the hand (*prensatio*). The term *benignitas* comprehended generally any kind of treating, such as shows or feasts. Candidates sometimes left Rome and visited the *coloniae* and *municipia*, in which the citizens had the suffrage; thus Cicero proposed to visit the Cisalpine towns, when he was a candidate for the consulship.

That *ambitus*, which was the object of several penal enactments, taken as a generic term, comprehended the two species — *ambitus* and *largitiones* (bribery). *Liberalitas* and *benignitas* are opposed by Cicero, as things allowable, to *ambitus* and *largitio*, as things illegal. The word for *ambitus* in the Greek writers is δεκασμός (*dekasmos*). Money was paid for votes; and in order to ensure secrecy and secure the elector, persons called *interpretes* were employed to make the bargain, *sequestres* to hold the money until it was to be paid, and *divisores* to distribute it. The offence of *ambitus* was a matter which belonged to the *judicia publica*, and the enactments against it were numerous. The earliest enactment that is mentioned simply forbade persons "to add white to their dress", with a view to an election (432 BC). This seems to mean using some white sign or token on the dress, to signify that a man was a candidate. The object of the law was to check *ambitio*, the name for going about to canvass, in place of which *ambitus* was subsequently employed. Still the practice of using a white dress on occasion of canvassing was usual, and appears to have given origin to the application of the term *candidatus* to one who was a *petitor*.

## Laws and restrictions

A *Lex Poetelia* (358 BC) forbade candidates canvassing on market days, and going about to the places in the country where people were collected. The law was passed mainly to check the pretensions of *novi homines*, of whom the *nobiles* were jealous. By the Lex Cornelia Baebia (181 BC), those who were convicted of *ambitus* were incapacitated from being candidates for ten years. The Lex Acilia Calpurnia (67 BC) was intended to suppress treating of the electors and other like matters: the penalties were fine, exclusion from the Roman Senate, and perpetual incapacity to hold office. The *lex Tullia* was passed in the consulship of Cicero (63 BC) for the purpose of adding to the penalties of the Acilia Calpurnia. The penalty under this lex was ten years' exile. This law forbade any person to exhibit public shows for two years before he was a candidate. It also forbade candidates hiring persons to attend them and be about their persons.

In the second consulship of M. Licinius Crassus and Cn. Pompeius Magnus (55 BC) the Lex Licinia was passed. This lex, which is entitled *De Sodalitiis*, did not alter the previous laws against bribery; but it was specially directed against a particular mode of canvassing, which consisted in employing agents (*sodales*) to mark out the members of the several tribes into smaller portions, and to secure more effectually the votes by this division of labour. This distribution of the members of the tribes was called *decuriatio*. It was an obvious mode of better securing the votes. The mode of appointing the judices in trials under the Lex Licinia was also provided by that lex. They were called *Judices Editicii*, because the accuser or prosecutor nominated four tribes, and the accused was at liberty to reject one of them. The *judices* were taken out of the other three tribes; but the mode in which they were taken is not quite clear. The penalty under the Lex Licinia was exile, but for what period is uncertain.

The *Lex Pompeia* (52 BC), passed when Pompeius was sole consul for part of that year, appears to have been rather a measure passed for the occasion of the trials then had and contemplated than any thing else. It provided for the mode of naming the *judices*, and shortened the proceedings. When C. Julius Caesar obtained the supreme power in Rome, he used to recommend some of the candidates to the people, who, of course, followed his recommendation. As to the consulship, he managed the appointments to that office just as he pleased. The Lex Julia de Ambitu was passed (18 BC) in the time of Augustus, and it excluded from office for five years those who were convicted of bribery. But as the penalty was milder than those under the former laws, we must conclude that they were repealed in whole or in part. Another Lex Julia de Ambitu was passed (8 BC) apparently to amend the law of 18 BC. Candidates were required to deposit a sum of money before canvassing, which was forfeited if they were convicted of bribery. If any violence was used by a candidate, he was liable to exile (aquae et ignis interdictio).

The popular forms of election were observed during the time of Augustus. Under Tiberius they ceased. Tacitus observes, "The comitia were transferred from the campus to the patres," the senate.

While the choice of candidates was thus partly in the hands of the senate, bribery and corruption still influenced the elections, though the name of *ambitus* was, strictly speaking, no longer applicable. But in a short time, the appointment to public offices was entirely in the power of the emperors; and the magistrates of Rome, as well as the *populus*, were merely the shadow of that which had once a substantial form. A Roman jurist, of the imperial period (Modestinus), in speaking of the Julia Lex de Ambitu, observes, "This law is now obsolete in the city, because the creation of magistrates is the business of the *princeps*, and does not depend on the pleasure of the *populus*; but if any one in a *municipium* should offend against this law in canvassing for a *sacerdotium* or *magistratus*, he is punished, according to a *senatus consultum*, with infamy, and subjected to a penalty of 100 *aurei*".

The laws that have been enumerated are probably all that were enacted, at least all of which any notice is preserved. Laws to repress bribery were made while the voting was open; and they continued to be made after the vote by ballot was introduced at the popular elections by the Lex Gabinia (139 BC). Rein observes that "by this change the control over the voters was scarcely any longer possible; and those who were bribed could not be distinguished from those who were not." One argument in favour of ballot in modern times has been that it would prevent bribery; and probably it would diminish the practice, though not put an end to it. But the notion of Rein that the bare fact of the vote being secret would increase the difficulty of distinguishing the bribed from the unbribed is absurd; for the bare knowledge of a man's vote is no part of the evidence of bribery. It is worth remark that there is no indication of any penalty being attached to the receiving of a bribe for a vote. The utmost that can be proved is, that the divisores or one of the class of persons who assisted in bribery were punished. But this is quite consistent with the rest: the briber and his agents were punished, not the bribed. When, therefore, Rein, who refers to these two passages under the *lex Tullia*, says: "Even those who received money from the candidates, or at least those who distributed it in their names, were punished," he couples two things together that are entirely of a different kind. The proposed Lex Aufidia went so far as to declare that if a candidate promised money to a tribe and did not pay it, he should be unpunished; but if he did pay the money, he should further pay to each tribe (annually?) 3000 sesterces as long as he lived. This absurd proposal was not carried; but it shows clearly enough that the principle was to punish the briber only.

The trials for ambitus were numerous in the time of the republic. The oration of Cicero in defence of L. Murena, who was charged with ambitus, and that in defence of Cn. Plancius, who was tried under the Lex Licinia, are both extant .

1. Cic. *pro Murena*, c34
2. Cic. *ad Att*. i.1
3. Cicero *de Oratore*. ii.25; and cf. *pro Murena*, c36
4. Cic. *pro Cluentio*. 26
5. Cic. *ad Att*. i.16
6. None of the penalties mentioned in this article include the capital penalty. The generally reliable historian Polybius, however, a close first-hand observer of Roman polity, flatly states that at Rome the penalty for bribery was death (*Histories*, 6.56.4).
7. Liv. iv.25
8. Cretata ambitio, Persius, Sat. v.177; Polyb. x.4 ed. Bekker
9. Liv. vii.15
10. Liv. xl.19; Schol. Bob. p361
11. Dion Cassius xxxvi.21
12. Dion Cassius xxxvii.29; Cic. *pro Murena*, c23
13. Cic. *pro Plancio*, c18
14. In the main this is rightly explained by Rein, but completely misunderstood by Wunder and others. Furthermore, Drumann confounds the *decuriatio* with the *coitio* or coalition of candidates to procure votes (*Geschichte Roms*, vol. iv p93).
15. Suet. *Caes*. c41
16. Dion Cassius liv.16; Suet. *Oct*. 34
17. Dion Cassius lv.5
18. Tacitus, *Annal*. i.15
19. Dig. 48 14
20. Cic. *pro Plancio*, c23, *pro Murena*, c23
21. Cic. *ad Att*. i.16
22. A list of them is given by Rein.
23. Rein, *Criminalrecht der Römer*, where all the authorities are collected; Cic. *Pro Plancio*, ed. Wunder

* This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chambers, Ephraim, ed. (1728). "Ambitus". *Cyclopædia, or an Universal Dictionary of Arts and Sciences* (1st ed.). James and John Knapton, et al.
* Smith, William, D.C.L., LL.D. *A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities*. John Murray, London, 1875.
* Peter Nadig, Ardet Ambitus. Untersuchungen zum Phänomen der Wahlbestechungen in der römischen Republik, Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main - New York 1997 (Prismata VI), ISBN 3-631-31295-4


title: Eburia didyma

abstract: Eburia didyma is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae.

text:
# Eburia didyma

***Eburia didyma*** is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae.

## InfoBox

| *Eburia didyma* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Coleoptera |
| Family: | Cerambycidae |
| Genus: | *Eburia* |
| Species: | ***E. didyma*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Eburia didyma***<br>(Olivier, 1795) | |
|


title: Eburia elegans

abstract: Eburia elegans is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae.

text:
# Eburia elegans

***Eburia elegans*** is a species of beetle in the family Cerambycidae.

## InfoBox

| *Eburia elegans* | |
| --- | --- |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Coleoptera |
| Family: | Cerambycidae |
| Genus: | *Eburia* |
| Species: | ***E. elegans*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Eburia elegans***<br>Chemsak & Linsley, 1973 | |
|


title: Ambulyx wilemani

abstract: Ambulyx wilemani is a species of moth of the family Sphingidae. It is found in the Philippines.

text:
# Ambulyx wilemani

***Ambulyx wilemani*** is a species of moth of the family Sphingidae. It is found in the Philippines.

## InfoBox

| *Ambulyx wilemani* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| *Ambulyx wilemani* dorsal | |
|  | |
| *Ambulyx wilemani* ventral | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Lepidoptera |
| Family: | Sphingidae |
| Genus: | *Ambulyx* |
| Species: | ***A. wilemani*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Ambulyx wilemani***<br>(Rothschild & Jordan, 1916) | |
|
| Synonyms | |
| * *Oxyambulyx wilemani* Rothschild & Jordan, 1916 | |


title: Ambulyx wildei

abstract: Ambulyx wildei is a species of moth of the family Sphingidae. It is known from Papua New Guinea and Queensland. The wingspan is about 110 mm. It is similar to Ambulyx substrigilis but the submarginal line of the forewing upperside is running closer to the margin. Females are deeper brown than males.

text:
# Ambulyx wildei

***Ambulyx wildei*** is a species of moth of the family Sphingidae. It is known from Papua New Guinea and Queensland.

The wingspan is about 110 mm. It is similar to *Ambulyx substrigilis* but the submarginal line of the forewing upperside is running closer to the margin. Females are deeper brown than males.

## InfoBox

| *Ambulyx wildei* | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| *Ambulyx wildei* dorsal | |
|  | |
| *Ambulyx wildei* ventral | |
|
| Scientific classification | |
| Domain: | Eukaryota |
| Kingdom: | Animalia |
| Phylum: | Arthropoda |
| Class: | Insecta |
| Order: | Lepidoptera |
| Family: | Sphingidae |
| Genus: | *Ambulyx* |
| Species: | ***A. wildei*** |
| Binomial name | |
| ***Ambulyx wildei***<br>Miskin, 1891 | |
|


title: Ambilineality

abstract: Ambilineality is a form of kinship affiliation of cognatic descent that relies on self-defined affiliation within a given social system, meaning individuals have the choice to be affiliated with their mother's or father's group. Common features of societies that practice ambilineality are a shared set of land, communal responsibilities, and collective ownership of some segments of wealth and debt in their societies. This system of descent is distinct from more common genealogical structures in that rather than determining affiliation and descent using the standard determinants of biological and genealogical relation, it instead relies heavily on voluntary affiliation with one's group, oftentimes being determined by factors including residence. Societies practicing ambilineal descent are especially common in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands. Polynesian cultures and Micronesian cultures are often ambilineal, including, for example, Samoans, Māori, Hawaiians and people of the Gilbert Islands. The indigenous peoples of Northwestern North America are also followers of ambilineality; and it is also found among the Southern Yoruba people residing in West Africa.

text:
# Ambilineality

**Ambilineality** is a form of kinship affiliation of cognatic descent that relies on self-defined affiliation within a given social system, meaning individuals have the choice to be affiliated with their mother's or father's group. Common features of societies that practice ambilineality are a shared set of land, communal responsibilities, and collective ownership of some segments of wealth and debt in their societies. This system of descent is distinct from more common genealogical structures in that rather than determining affiliation and descent using the standard determinants of biological and genealogical relation, it instead relies heavily on voluntary affiliation with one's group, oftentimes being determined by factors including residence.

Societies practicing ambilineal descent are especially common in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands. Polynesian cultures and Micronesian cultures are often ambilineal, including, for example, Samoans, Māori, Hawaiians and people of the Gilbert Islands. The indigenous peoples of Northwestern North America are also followers of ambilineality; and it is also found among the Southern Yoruba people residing in West Africa.

## Family

Ambilineality is a cognatic descent system in which individuals may be affiliated either to their father's or mother's group. This type of descent results in descent groups which are non-unilineal in the sense that descent passes either through women or men, contrary to unilineal descent, whether patrilineal or matrilineal. Affiliation to a descent group will be determined either by choice or by residence. In the latter case, children will belong to the descent group with whom their parents are living.

## Property relations

Generally, an ambilineal descent group consists of known descendants who can trace their line of descent, through either the male or female line, to the individual who was given usage rights over the land.

The grantee's descendants have absolute usage rights to a portion of land. If they are residents, they are to be appointed to leadership and administration positions relating to the governance of the land. Those living descendants of the chosen ancestor who follow these claims to land comprise an ambilineal descent group with corporate interests in the land granted to the ancestor.

Similarly, inheritance is acquired through mother and father and property is transmitted through both sons and daughters, as all genders have the right to inheritance.

## Kinship system

As a kinship system, ambilineality uses genealogy to trace descent either through the mother or the father. There is no set order in an ambilineal system to which the last name is chosen, and individuals may use both parents as links to a kin. In several cultures, such as the Tiwa, the choice of whether to associate with the male or female family is a personal decision.

The choice of which familial line to trace descent may be influenced by culture. Societies may have a law or cultural customs determining whether to trace descent through the mother or father for a child's surname. This choice and tradition influences practices of the culture regarding which kin to associate with. Emphasis on descent through the female line came about because of people's interest in whitening their lineage since Brazilian women frequently married white European immigrants. Brazil did have an ambilineal system, but there was an underlying matrilineal emphasis. This was particularly common in the first hundred years of European colonization, particularly in Brazil. It was due to the Iberian concept of “purity of blood” (Spanish: limpieza de sangre) and their dislike of “infected” races such as Jews or Moors.

## Social functions

In an ambilineal descent system the members can choose and change their affiliation or clan. This means that membership in an ambilineal group is associated with more freedom and is less binding and restricting than in unilineal descent groups. The flexibility of the descent group enables people to exercise a greater choice in their behavior towards kinsmen, especially distant kins. Furthermore, a person can choose whether or not they will honor their group responsibilities.

The ambilineal system also gives way to a more variable group membership and a more flexible group structure. Oftentimes people use the ability of choice to realign themselves with the more powerful or higher status option. For example, in the Togan people of the Northern Gilbert Islands it is common for a couple, with differing social status, to join the descent group with the higher status.

## Naming system/surnames

The naming system in an ambilineal descent system allows for either using the mother or father's last name for the children or both, which is common in Latin America. Many societies have laws or strong cultural norms which dictate a child's surname. For example, in the U.S., it is the cultural custom for a child to have the father's surname, but in cases where the parents are not married, it is common for the child to take the surname of the mother. In the U.S., due to divorces and subsequent marriages, the surnames of children can also change.

There is an ambilineal naming system in Spain and many Latin American countries, but with an implicit patrilineality. Children have both their mother and their father's surnames, but grandchildren use their father's and mother's paternal surnames. In Brazil, the choice of surnames also has ambilineal tendencies. It depends on the personal desires of the parents or the person themselves, and modifying them was common in the first hundred years of colonization. However, it was the cultural tendency to use both the mother and the father's surnames following the general Spanish practice.

In the Tiwa, it is a “personal choice” whether to live in the mother or father's home, indicating which “clan” they will join. Based on this choice, the children inherit the mother or father's surname when born into the respective clans. These choices reflect the understanding of belonging and identity.

## Kinship terms

There have been disagreements on the topic of kinship terminology in ambilineal descent systems. While ambilineal kinship terminology is oftentimes described as either generational or using cross-generational relative age criterion, there is some push back on these ideas.

Anthropologists have found that in ambilineal systems (such as those in Samoa) membership is often based on kinship criteria, but that one's role or label within the ambilineal group can be based on non-kinship criteria. This means that to determine if an individual is kin or not, genealogical criteria are often used, but once the individual is determined to be kin other (non-kinship) criteria will be used to designate a specific kin term. These kin distinctions within a group do not have any significance on the individual station as kinsmen. Because ambilineal sometimes do not have role allocation based on the “differentiation of kin-types” and kinship terminologies are based on such non-kin criteria some scholars have argued that in these groups kinships terms should not be used as terms of address.

## Ambilineality in specific ethnic groups and regions

### In the Americas

#### Brazil

In Brazil, ambilineality is seen in choosing the surname of children, where it is common that a child takes both parents' surnames. During the first hundred years of colonization, it was common for families to trace lineage through matrilineal descent because of their interest in whitening their lineage. The Portuguese were concerned about the purity of blood, (see: limpieza de sangre) because of Jewish persecution and brought these ideas to Brazil. The European immigrants were primarily males until the 1800s; therefore, "mixed-blood" daughters could whiten their lineage by marrying and having children with white European immigrants. Over time, the generations became whiter and could, therefore, amass more power in Brazilian society. The Portuguese husbands provided more whiteness for the offspring, but the children would typically adopt the maternal surname if the wife's family were wealthier and more established. This is particularly true when the wife came from one of the more prominent families. Taking the mother's name identified the child as part of the family and gave access to the same power of the family.

### In Africa

### Ethiopia

The Christian Amhara trace their descent ambilineally. They are considered as kin relatives from both the mother and father's side. Any Amhara is thus the descendant of a set of lineages which multiply rapidly back through the generations. The Amhara confer rights of inheritance on both sexes, recognize inheritance though both father and mother, and transmit goods through both sons and daughters. Whereas men and women have equal rights in theory, in practice, this does not always hold.

Ambilineal descent also occurs amongst the Tegrefifin speakers who border the Amhara to the north although they have a clear bias in favor of the men. Nevertheless, their rules of inheritance and descent mean that Christian Ethiopians lack the patrilineal, narrow descent groups of western Christianity, and have a set of rules for transmitting property which tends towards radical fragmentation.

Amongst the Christian Abyssinians, marriage happens outside the first seven degrees of consanguinity and work hard to live up to this rule. The laity seldom marry in church, instead marrying by secular contract under customary law. Polygyny was common amongst the Abbysnian nobility, characterized by rough equality. They lacked a strong sense of legitimacy or bastardy for children. Moreover, amongst Ethiopians, women had the right to initiate divorce and to take a share of the property from their marriage upon divorce.

Abyssinian families are distinguished from other traditional Christian families by their prevalence of divorce and a pronounced ambilineality. However, they also have a strong culture of monogamy amongst Christian priests and their lay counterparts.

### In Asia

#### India

In the Tiwa (Lalung) people who live at the Assam-Meghalaya border area in India, ambilineal descent is evident through their marriage and residence practices. At marriage each couple has the choice to join the wife or husband's clan. There are no set rules as to which house a couple occupies after marriage but, among the Tiwa people, gobhia (husband joining the wife's house) is more common than poari (wife joining husband's house). Any children born to the couple belong to the group chosen at the time of marriage. This means that an individual inherits the mother's name if born into her house or the father's name if born into his house.

There is a spiritual dimension to ambilineal descent in Tiwa culture. Membership and affiliation to a descent group is expressed via surname (and domestic belonging/residence associated) as well as connection to deities. The Tiwas believe that there are numerous deities that inhabit the home. At birth a child inherits the house's descent group and the bonds that have been established between the god inhabiting the home. This affiliation with the deities serves as a principal criteria for lineage identification because the individual is associated with all of the houses within the descent group that are worshipping the same group deity. For example, two individuals who have the same surname could claim unrelatedness if they do not worship the same group deity.

### In Polynesia

In Polynesia, numerous groups are found to have ambilineal descent systems. In the Northern Gilbert Islands ambilineal descent systems are evident in both Butaritari and Makin. In both groups ambilineal descent is understood through land ownership, occupation, and inheritance. Membership in an ambilineal descent group, often called a ramage, includes those who can trace their descent (through either the female or male line) to the founder of the group, as well as individuals who can trace their descent to the founder and have inherited land rights to a part of the founder's estate. In this system an individual is not a member of every group they can genealogically trace kinship to. Rather, membership depends on land possession within the group. Upon marriage, couples have the choice in which group they want to join.

Ambilineal systems are also found in Samoa, Tonga and with Māori people in New Zealand. Similarly to Butaritari and Makin, land ownership and inheritance is the basis for membership and affiliation in a descent group, but in these three systems membership is most often based on the male line. In this system, both the mother and father can be used for affiliation with a particular descent group, but emphasis is placed on the father. While it is most desirable for membership into the father's group female links are also used especially when aligning with the female line brings increased power, wealth, or social standing.

## Bibliography

* Firth, Raymond. (1957). "A Note on Descent Groups in Polynesia". *Man*. **57**: 4–8.
* Firth, Raymond. (1963) “Bilateral Descent Groups: An Operational Viewpoint.” In Studies in Kinship and Marriage. Dedicated to Brenda Z. Seligman on Her 80th Birthday., edited by Isaac Schapera, 22–37. London: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain & Ireland.
* Firth, Raymond. (1929) Primitive Economics of the New Zealand Maori. New York: E.P. Dutton.
* Goodenough, Ward H. (1970) Description and Comparison in Cultural Anthropology. Chicago: Aldine :55-58.
* Lambert, B. (1966) “Ambilineal Descent Groups in the Northern Gilbert Islands1.” American Anthropologist 68 (3): 641–664.
* Lloyd, P.C. (1966) “Agnatic and Cognatic Descent Among the Yoruba.” Man 1 (4): 484–500.
* Ramirez, Philippe. (2014) People of the Margins: Across Ethnic Boundaries in North-East India. Guwahati: Spectrum:88-98.
* Goodenough, Ward H. (1970) Description and Comparison in Cultural Anthropology. Chicago: Aldine :55-58.
* Coult, A. (1964). Role Allocation, Position Structuring, and Ambilineal Descent. American Anthropologist, 66(1), new series, 29–40.
* Maynes, Mary Jo. Gender, Kinship, Power: a Comparative and Interdisciplinary History. Routledge, 1996.
* Kernan, K., & Coult, A. (1965). The Cross-Generation Relative Age Criterion of Kinship Terminology. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 21(2), 148–154.
* Ellis, E. (1980). The Choice of Children's Surnames. Anglo-American Law Review, 9(1), 92–99. https://doi.org/10.1177/147377958000900105
* Crummey, D. (1983). Family and Property amongst the Amhara Nobility. The Journal of African History, 24(2), 207–220.
* Hoben, A. (1963). The role of ambilineal descent groups in Gojjam Amhara social organization. University Microfilms, Inc.


title: Early life of Jan Smuts

abstract: Jan Christian Smuts, OM, CH, ED, KC, FRS was a prominent South African and Commonwealth statesman, military leader, and philosopher. He served as a Boer General during the Boer War, a British General during the First World War and was appointed Field Marshal by King George VI during the Second World War. In addition to various cabinet appointments, he served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 until 1924 and from 1939 until 1948. From 1917 to 1919 he was one of five members of the British War Cabinet, helping to create the Royal Air Force. He played a leading part in the post-war settlements at the end of both world wars, making significant contributions towards the creation of the League of Nations and the United Nations. He did much to redefine the relationship between Britain and the Dominions and Colonies, leading to the formation of the British Commonwealth. Jan Smuts was born in 1870, the second son of a traditional Boer farming family. By rural tradition, the eldest son would be the only child to receive a full formal education; however, on the death of his elder brother in 1882, 12-year-old Jan was sent to school for the first time. After four years of education he had made exceptional progress, gaining admission to study at Victoria College in Stellenbosch. He graduated in 1891 with first-class honours in Literature and Science. With this strong academic background, he applied for, and won, the Ebden scholarship for overseas study, electing to read law at Christ's College, Cambridge. After further academic success, and the recipient of many prestigious academic awards, he graduated in 1894 with double First-class honours. After graduating, Smuts passed the examinations for the Inns of Court, entering the Middle Temple. In 1895, despite the prospect of a bright future in the United Kingdom, the homesick Smuts returned to South Africa.

text:
# Early life of Jan Smuts

**Jan Christian Smuts** (aka **Jan Christiaan Smuts**), OM, CH, ED, KC, FRS (24 May 187011 September 1950) was a prominent South African and Commonwealth statesman, military leader, and philosopher. He served as a Boer General during the Boer War, a British General during the First World War and was appointed Field Marshal by King George VI during the Second World War. In addition to various cabinet appointments, he served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 until 1924 and from 1939 until 1948. From 1917 to 1919 he was one of five members of the British War Cabinet, helping to create the Royal Air Force. He played a leading part in the post-war settlements at the end of both world wars, making significant contributions towards the creation of the League of Nations and the United Nations. He did much to redefine the relationship between Britain and the Dominions and Colonies, leading to the formation of the British Commonwealth.

Jan Smuts was born in 1870, the second son of a traditional Boer farming family. By rural tradition, the eldest son would be the only child to receive a full formal education; however, on the death of his elder brother in 1882, 12-year-old Jan was sent to school for the first time. After four years of education he had made exceptional progress, gaining admission to study at Victoria College in Stellenbosch. He graduated in 1891 with first-class honours in Literature and Science. With this strong academic background, he applied for, and won, the Ebden scholarship for overseas study, electing to read law at Christ's College, Cambridge. After further academic success, and the recipient of many prestigious academic awards, he graduated in 1894 with double First-class honours. After graduating, Smuts passed the examinations for the Inns of Court, entering the Middle Temple. In 1895, despite the prospect of a bright future in the United Kingdom, the homesick Smuts returned to South Africa.

## In South Africa

### Childhood

On 24 May 1870, at the Smuts family farm, Bovenplaats, in the district of Malmesbury, Cape Colony, a child was born to Jacobus Smuts and his wife Catharina. This child, their second son in what was to become a family of four sons and two daughters, was christened Jan Christiaan after his maternal grandfather, Jan Christiaan de Vries.

The Smuts family were prosperous yeoman farmers, long-established in the area. For four generations, since 1786, they had farmed in the Malmesbury district, settling on the farm Ongegund, of which Bovenplaats was a part, in 1818. This area was part of the so-called Swartland, the chief wheat-growing area of the Cape Colony.

1870 found Bovenplaats under the care of Jacobus Abraham Smuts and his wife Catharina Petronella. Jacobus Smuts lived in much the same manner as his forefathers — a hard-working farmer, a pillar of the Church, and one who took a leading part in the social and political affairs of the neighbourhood. Such was the regard in which he was held that he was later to be elected as the Member for Malmesbury in the Cape Parliament. Smuts's mother, born Catharina Petronella de Vries, was the sister of Boudewijn Homburg de Vries, the predikant of the nearby town of Riebeek West, some three miles (5 km) from Bovenplaats. The de Vries family originated from the area around Worcester, Cape Colony. Catharina accompanied her brother as his housekeeper when he took up his appointment at Riebeek West, eventually meeting and marrying her husband in 1866. She was a woman of considerable education and culture, at least according to the standards of the area, having studied music and French in Cape Town.

When Jan was six years of age the family moved from Bovenplaats to a new farm some thirteen miles (19 km) away. This farm, Klipfontein, was a bequest to Jacobus Smuts, who, keen to have a farm of his own rather than one under the supervision of his father, moved his family there in 1876.

#### Family life

The Smuts family were traditional Afrikaner farmers. As such, questions of property and family affairs were extensively governed by custom. Custom dictated that it was upon the first son that family expectations fell; the family would strive, so far as their means allowed, to provide him with the best possible education with the goal of paving the way for his entry into one of the professions. As for the others, they would be put to work on the farm, while at the same time receiving a rudimentary home education. As the second son this was to be Jan's role. While he remained at the farm, his elder brother, Michiel, was sent to begin his schooling in Riebeek West, destined, like his uncle Boudewyn, for a future as a predikant in the Dutch Reformed Church.

Farmwork combined with lessons from his mother — such was the order of Jan's life for the next few years. During his early childhood, still too young to be given formal responsibilities on the farm, Jan accompanied the Coloured farm labourers as they went about their daily work. At this time the relations between master and servant, between black and white, were certainly not based on social equality; nevertheless, on these Swartland farms there was little of the rigid segregation which was already emerging elsewhere in South Africa and which was later to have such profound consequences. Since 1828 the Cape had enshrined in law the principle of strict legal equality between the races. Unlike the rest of South Africa, all adult males, were entitled to vote and to stand for election to the Colonial legislature, subject only to a property qualification. In these country districts therefore, there existed a certain intimacy between the farm owners and their labourers. At harvest times it was common to find both working together to gather in the crops and it was also commonplace to find the farm's children playing with one another, irrespective of race.

In this relatively liberal environment Jan accompanied the servants in their work, listening to their stories, learning the ways of the countryside, and trying to help as best he could. As his knowledge and confidence increased Jan began to go out into the countryside by himself, exploring the hills and valleys which surrounded him. Later, as an older boy, his chief responsibility was as a herd — first of the pigs and poultry in the farmyard, and later of the cattle out on the veld. The same laws of custom which had preordained Jan's role as a farmer also had their beneficial aspect; Boer farmers customarily allotted their sons a share of the natural increase of the beasts under their care. As time passed Jan gradually built up a respectable holding of livestock.

At home, away from the work of the farm, his education was not neglected. Although restricted to rudimentary home schooling, his mother's own notable education placed him and his siblings at an advantage compared with other children in similar circumstances.

#### Outside influence

The Smuts family lived in an almost exclusively Afrikaner world. Nevertheless, this cultural identity, unlike that of the Boer republics to the north, did not define itself on opposition to Britain or the British. Swartland farmers had been largely insulated from the causes of discontent of earlier years, discontent which eventually culminated in the mass Boer migrations of the Great Trek. As a result, Jacobus Smuts largely unmoved by the Afrikaner nationalism preached by such organisations as the Afrikaner Bond, founded by Rev. SJ du Toit in 1877. After 1884, having come under the leadership of Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr, the Bond became more to the Smuts' taste. Hofmeyr changed the fundamental basis of the organisation, from one preaching Afrikaner separatism to one which combined a pragmatic policy of economic protectionism for Cape farmers and their produce with a call for unity between the English and Dutch-speaking populations and cooperation with the Colonial authorities. As a member of the Cape legislature Jacobus Smuts pledged his support to Hofmeyr and the reformed Bond.

Unlike many parts of South Africa, conflict was an element largely absent from Jan Smuts's early life. Whether conflict between Briton and Boer, or conflict between Black and White — it had been many years since the farmers of the Swartland had had to deal with turmoil on their doorsteps. The absence of conflict, along with its inevitable counterpart, development of prejudice, had its effect upon Smuts.

In later years Smuts was to look upon this time with the uttermost fondness. Of all his childhood experiences it was the time spent out on the veld, whether tending the cattle or out on excursions of his own, which seemed to have the most marked effects on him, developing an attachment which was almost spiritual in nature. As he wrote in 1902, aged 32:

> How well I remember the years I spent tending the cattle on the large farm, roaming over all its far expanse of veld, in which every kloof, every valley, every koppie was endeared to me by the most familiar associations. Month after month I had spent there in lonely occupation — alone with the cattle, myself and God. The veld had grown part of me, not only in the sense that my bones were a part of it, but in that more vital sense which identifies nature with man ... Having no human companion, I felt a spirit of comradeship for the objects around me. In my childish way I communed with these as with my own soul; they became the sharers of my confidence.

In ordinary circumstances Jan Smuts would have, in time, taken over the running of the family farm, spending his life as a farmer as his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather had before him. However this was not to be; events were to conspire to change this predetermined fate.

### Schooldays

In 1882 tragedy struck the Smuts family. Their eldest son, Michiel, suddenly succumbed to typhoid while attending school at Riebeek West. This time of family grief and upheaval had a direct effect upon Jan; now, as the eldest son, the weight of family expectation fell squarely upon his shoulders.

Within weeks Jan was sent from the familiar surroundings of Klipfontein to a boarding house at Riebeek West, to take his brother's place at the school of Mr TC Stoffberg. As had been the case with his brother, his parents had already mapped out his future; like his brother Jan was destined for a future in the Dutch Reformed Church, to be ordained as a predikant at the conclusion of his studies. This vocation, though imposed upon him by his parents, was by no means regarded as an imposition by Jan, growing up as he had in an environment where adherence to the Church and piety of deeds counted for a good deal. This upbringing had turned twelve-year-old Jan into a deeply religious, serious-minded boy. Now, attending school for the first time, he faced a number of obstacles. Foremost amongst these was his rudimentary grasp of English, at a time when it was the main medium of instruction and crucial for any Afrikaner who wished to play a role in wider Cape society. Thanks to his mother's efforts. in this as well as in other subjects, he was better prepared than most children in similar circumstances, but nevertheless he was to start his schooling alongside children many years younger than himself with many years of study separating him from his contemporaries.

Even so, despite these disadvantages, Jan proved himself an outstanding scholar. He surpassed the other children both in terms of innate ability and in terms of dedication to his work. It was not for nothing that his headmaster, Mr Stoffberg, described him as "*one of the most brilliant pupils he had ever taught, and the most hard-working boy he had ever met*." Within three years Jan had made sufficient progress to have caught up with his age group, children with up to ten years of formal education behind them. He compounded this remarkable achievement when the time came for him to sit the Cape Colony elementary examination in 1885; Jan was placed ninth in the entire colony. The next year he surpassed even this, coming second in the School Higher examination.

During these few years at Riebeek West Jan worked assiduously at his studies — self-evidently, given his achievements. His academic abilities were soon noted by his headmaster, who went out of his way to provide Jan with further curricular reading. Yet this was to prove insufficient to meet what was becoming an almost insatiable thirst for knowledge. Jan borrowed books and yet more books from the headmaster, poring over them at all times rather than engaging in the childish pursuits of the other children, separated from them by his strong work ethic. A few weeks before the School Higher examination this had its consequences — Jan fell ill, an illness exacerbated by his unremitting study. With a strict injunction from his doctor, ordering a complete rest with an absolute prohibition on work and reading, Jan was packed off to bed. Nevertheless, despite the doctor's orders, Jan went to strenuous lengths to evade the ban. One story told of him during this enforced convalescence describes how he used to involve the headmaster's youngest son in his subterfuges, bribing the four-year-old child to bring him books from his father's study. This enjoyed considerable success until the day of an unannounced visit from the headmaster's wife. In his sparsely furnished room there were few possibilities, but Jan made the best job that he could of concealing his by now substantial collection of books. The headmaster's wife upon entering the room found Jan, as expected, in bed. However the boy did not look to be comfortably resting as he ought, in fact he looked positively uncomfortable. She offered to make Jan's bed for him, he declined, insisting that he was perfectly comfortable; she insisted and, being the headmaster's wife, got her way. Embarking upon her deed of kindness she found, to her astonishment, the real reason for Jan's restlessness — underneath his bedclothes he was making a valiant effort to conceal an immense pile of contraband books!

This dedication to reading and study might, in another boy, have been nothing more than a reaction to the impending examinations — but not in Jan's case. What made this particular episode revealing was that the books found under his bedclothes were largely unconnected with his studies. In Riebeek West he developed a lifelong habit, that of reading avidly outside the prescribed curriculum, seeking knowledge for its own sake.

In 1886, at the age of sixteen, Jan embarked on the next stage of his education. Jan applied to, and was accepted by, Victoria College, Stellenbosch — one of the most prominent institutes of higher education in the Cape. In late 1886 he bade farewell to Riebeek West, ready to embark upon a new stage in life.

### Life in Stellenbosch

Mr Stoffberg's school did not take its pupils to the final stage of secondary education. Before Jan could set his schooldays behind him and commence his higher education he would have to sit the Matriculation exam. Jan duly moved from Riebeek West to Stellenbosch, spending early 1886 to late 1886 preparing for this test.

At Riebeeck West Jan had been a hard-working, deeply religious child, with a strongly reserved, almost solitary, nature. This disposition, a legacy of his pious, rural upbringing, is manifest in what is his earliest surviving letter. This letter, written to Professor C Murray, a tutor at Victoria College, was for the most part a run-of-the-mill enquiry into the administrative arrangements for the forthcoming term. Yet in amongst this mundane request for information on such matters as textbooks and school fees Jan found himself confiding his innermost motive forces to this stranger. As he wrote:

> ... such a place \[Stellenbosch\] where a large puerile element exists, affords fair scope for moral, and what is more important, religious temptation, which, if yielded to, will eclipse alike the expectations of my parents and the intentions of myself ... For of what use will a mind, enlarged and refined in all possible ways, be to me, if my religion be a deserted pilot and morality a wreck? To avoid temptation and to make the proper use of my precious time, I purposely refuse to enter a public boarding department, as that of Mr de Kock, but shall board privately (most likely at Mr N. Ackermann's) which will, in addition, accord with my private and reserved nature.

In the event, Smuts's resolution to "make the proper use of my precious time" overcame such moral and religious temptations as a small town like Stellenbosch was capable of providing. Religion and his studies – these remained unchallenged as the twin poles of his existence during his matriculation year. In the seclusion of Mr Ackermann's boarding house Jan studied assiduously, attended church with zeal, and ignored the blandishments of the "puerile element".

The Matriculation exam tested candidates on five subjects: Latin, Greek, Mathematics, Science, and English Literature. By exam-time this dedication to his studies had paid off spectacularly; the 1887 Cape lists placed Jan third overall, with the highest marks in the Colony in Greek. In what had been by any standards a year of tremendous success the latter achievement was especially outstanding; a misunderstanding at the start of the year led Jan to believe that he would be exempted from the Greek exam – as a result it was a subject which he largely disregarded. Six days before the exam this potentially devastating oversight was exposed – there was now less than a week in which to catch up with a year's study. Jan immediately shut himself away in his rooms, spending the next days in total seclusion, working from sunrise to sunset in the attempt to master the grammar and vocabulary upon which he was shortly to be tested. By the time of the exam this hard work had paid off. Within a relatively short period Jan had largely memorised his books and had mastered the Greek language to a remarkable degree.

Smuts's determined work ethic played a central role in these successes, yet he was also aided in no small part by his formidable memory. At that age Jan found himself able to memorise large portions of book simply by reading through them, and though this ability gradually diminished as the years passed, it never entirely disappeared. As his son was later to recount:

> \[at\] Stellenbosch his examiners were, until they learned to understand this prodigy, inclined to accuse the youngster of cribbing, for many of his answers were verbatim from the text-book. At Stellenbosch his facility for memorising was at its peak...

With the hurdle of Matriculation behind him the start of the 1887 term finally saw Smuts admitted as a student of Victoria College and enrolled as an undergraduate of the University of the Cape of Good Hope.

#### Victoria College

Victoria College proved fertile grounds for Smuts's imagination. As his biographer WK Hancock was to write:

> The small teaching body, hardly more that \[*sic?*\] half a dozen men, covered a wide curriculum: but the students were also few and sifted for quality. Teachers and students were able in consequence to enjoy close individual contact with each other and ... they were able to work in an atmosphere of leisure.

Smuts thrived in this environment. With these new vistas of knowledge and learning now revealed that he spared no effort in his attempts to master them. His surviving notebooks from this period reveal the range and breadth of his studies: Latin, Greek, German, the Classics, Optical Physics, Inorganic Chemistry and Metallurgy, Organic Chemistry and Agriculture, and Geology \- to name but a few. Once again, as had been the case at Riebeek West, this was not merely study for the sake of exams - as ever, Smuts continued to study avidly outside the confines of the curriculum.

Over the next few years at Victoria College, Smuts's religion continued to be of crucial importance. On Sundays he would attend both morning and evening church services, also leading a Bible study class for local Coloured boys, and during the week he was an assiduous attendee at evening prayer meetings. Within Victoria College, one of the strongest friendships he formed was with Professor JI Marais, the head of the Theology faculty.

Smuts's religious observance was unsurprising in one who whose moral outlook was based exclusively upon Biblical teachings and who was destined for a future in the Church. Yet, though religion continued to serve in this central role, his studies at Stellenbosch, with their decidedly scientific bias, led Smuts towards a more critical examination of his faith. From this time onwards Smuts was, by gradual degrees, to start to move away from the uncompromisingly Calvinist outlook within which he had been raised.

If Stellenbosch marked Smuts's intellectual awakening, it also was where he came to mature socially. Here he began to cast off the shyness and reserve which afflicted him, joining the local militia, becoming a regular contributor to the college magazine, and becoming leader of the Victoria College debating society. For the first time, in both verbal and literary debate, Smuts began to grapple with the political and social issues facing South Africa.

Though Smuts did much to cast off his shyness and reserve, he made few hard-and-fast friendships at Stellenbosch. Yet it was here that he met the woman who was to play a central role in his life thereafter. Sybella Margaretha Krige, known to all as Isie, was the daughter of Japie Krige, a prominent local wine and dairy farmer. Six months younger than Smuts, she had shared a similar upbringing with much the same resulting character traits. As their son, also name Jan Christian, was later to write:

> There was nothing particularly romantic about the courtship. They were rather reserved and undemonstrative, and from questioning and teasing our mother, we decided that it was rather an odd and old-fashioned courtship. ... But what the courtship lacked in impetuosity if gained in depth of friendship and understanding. That friendship, unscathed and undiminished, withstood the test of time, and was the basis of a fruitful and exemplary married life.

Isie was an intelligent young woman who, like Smuts, had scored highly in her Matriculation exam. It was thought, as a girl, a future in higher education was largely closed to her. The time spent in her company, whether reading poetry and singing together at the piano, or walking together in the mornings and evenings on the journey to and from Victoria College, did much to break down Smuts's social isolation, enabling him to cast some of those protective prejudices which he had harboured of the "puerile element", that is to say his peers. As he wrote in his diary some years later: "\[She\], less idealistic than I, but more human, recalled me from my intellectual isolation and made me return to my fellows."

#### Political awakening

In 1888 Cecil Rhodes paid a visit to Victoria College. As the leader of the college debating society, Smuts was called upon to deliver the welcoming address on behalf of the student body. Rhodes, on the verge of becoming Prime Minister of Cape Colony, was a vocal advocate of Southern African political and economic unity. Now, on the occasion of this visit, Smuts chose to give his address on the theme of Pan-Africanism.

Smuts's engagement with politics was very much a product of his time at Stellenbosch. While his parents' political moderation and rejection of Afrikaner exclusivism had left him largely unencumbered by any innate prejudices, it was his time at Victoria College which saw him develop his own independent political outlook. These views developed in tandem with another of Smuts's fixations, his philosophical pursuit of the embodiment of unity. This intellectual quest was later to develop into his philosophy of Holism, but even at this early undeveloped stage he brought these ideas to bear in shaping his political opinions. So it was that Smuts emerged as an outspoken supporter of South African unity, and, by extension, a supporter of Rhodes.

Two essays written during this time foreshadow Smuts's later views, both political and philosophical. The first of these, entitled *South African Customs Union*, was written in 1890 in competition for the JB Ebden prize offered by the University of the Cape of Good Hope. This essay, an examination of the economic relations of the colonies and states of South Africa, though 'Highly Commended' by the judges, failed to win the prize. Nevertheless, despite achieving only modest success, it is unsurpassed as a clear and authoritative statement of Smuts's political outlook at this time.

Within the essay Smuts considered the vexed question of the political and economic relations of the colonies and states of South Africa. Though close in terms of geographical proximity, their troubled relations over the preceding quarter century had done much to create an atmosphere of political estrangement. Smuts considered that this estrangement had come about largely as the result of petty jealousies, fostered by politicians interested more in their own parochial concerns than those of South Africa as a whole. And it was to South Africa as a whole that Smuts looked; he did not take the side of one colony or state over the others, but rather treated the region as one single unity. In his own words he summed this up:

> The general maxim in this particular case of South African politics and interests is this: no policy in any Colony or State is sound, which does not recognise, and frame its measures as much as possible in accordance with, the fact that South African is one, that consisting as it does of separate parts, it yet forms one commercial and moral unity.

A call for unity was his emotional response to the question. Coming down to earth, he proposed two concrete policies as steps towards its ultimate realisation - expansion of a pan-South African railway system, fostering greater commercial links and binding the region together, combined with the elimination of all regional tariffs and trade barriers with the formation of a South African customs union.

The writing of this essay was an important formative experience for Smuts. For the first time he had seriously grappled with questions of contemporary politics, and in doing so came to comprehend something of his own political role in resolving them. As he was to write:

> In trying to master the \[question of a customs union for South Africa\] and its relation to other South African problems, I had to study the relations which have existed between the various territories of South Africa during the past quarter century; and to that study I owe the birth of my political consciousness. As I studied old Blue and other books, it dawned for the first time on me, that I too was a member for better or worse of the great South African community, and that as such I too would be called upon to contribute my drop, or fraction of a drop, of thought or action to the great "river of ocean" which still has to sweep through the Augeas-stable of the South.

Seminal though this moment was, it was just a start. As his biographer, WK Hancock, noted: "All the same, \[Smuts\] knew that nations are not made by administrative arrangements alone". In *The Conditions of Future South African Literature*, his next essay of significance, he dealt with the other significant factor in nation-building - the cultural and emotional ties needed to form a united community. Within this essay, not at first sight written on an overtly political topic, Smuts declared that a true South African literature did not and could not exist until a true South African nation had been born. The question then arose - what was hindering this development? Smuts identified the inhibiting factor as the relations between Briton and Boer - particularly the effect of the influx of British emigrants to the gold mines of the Transvaal on the deeply conservative Afrikaner population. The relations between these two groups were fraught; the discover of gold and the rapid industrialisation of the Transvaal had done much to disturb the settled ways of the Boer population. With its vast mineral wealth the Transvaal was rapidly becoming the most significant economic unit of South Africa, but the sudden tide of primarily British immigrants caused a great deal of unrest, with the established population decrying the immorality and degeneracy they perceived in the new mineworkers. These divisions, though strongest in the Transvaal, existed to one degree or another throughout South Africa. Smuts, though sympathising with the concerns of the old population, fearful their established ways and traditions would be swamped in a flood of migration, urged the Afrikaners to embrace the new spirit of dynamism which he saw the new migrants injecting. Likewise he exhorted the new population to integrate with the old, to consolidate the white population both for the sake of a future South African nation but also to secure their survival in the face of the vastly greater Native population.

## A new direction

In later years Smuts summed up this period:

> The five years I spent at Victoria College, Stellenbosch ... were probably the happiest of my life. I read much and widely, but especially the poets and philosophical writers. I had not yet any defined channel of thinking or feeling. My mind was simply dazzled and attracted by beauty in all its intellectual forms ... My passion for nature made me spend most of my free time in the mountains, along the streams and in the innumerable winding valleys.

In the examinations of 1891, Smuts took a double-First in Literature and Science. He applied for, and won, the Ebden scholarship for overseas study offered by the University of the Cape of Good Hope. On 23 September 1891 he departed the Cape, on board the ship Roslyn Castle, bound for the United Kingdom and a place at Cambridge University.

### Cambridge

Smuts was admitted to Christ's College, where he elected to study Law.

The choice of Law marked the start of a new chapter for Smuts. The preceding years at Stellenbosch had been ones of tremendous intellectual development. From the narrow focus of his upbringing, his outlook had now expanded, awakening within him a consciousness of the breadth of knowledge now open before him. Smuts, though remaining an adherent of the Church, and respectful of the Bible and its teachings, had developed a more questioning and critical outlook during the course of his studies. Whereas at the outset of his university career he was content to follow his parents' wishes and be ordained into the Church, as his time at Victoria College came to an end he found himself more and more unwilling to commit to this path. Though he had not as yet wholly rejected the idea of ordination, he wished for a period of more diversified study before making that decision. So it was that Smuts came to select Law, rather than Divinity or Philosophy \- the logical choices for a future Minister of Religion.

During his time at Cambridge Smuts maintained a regular correspondence with his old friend and tutor Professor Marais. Smuts's choice of Law gave rise to a lively discussion between the two, with Marais regretting Smuts's choice, declaring Law to be 'simply classified humbug' and accusing 'those who pore over legal tomes' of having a 'contracted view of life'. In response Smuts published an essay in Christ's College Magazine in defence of Law. Entitled 'Law - A Liberal Study', it attempted to rebut these criticisms, declaring that from Moses onwards lawyers had been the 'great lights and ornaments of the Church' and identifying within Law '...as it develops through the ages of human history, ...the deepest, truest, most permanent thought and social achievement of progressive humanity.' Aside from friendship on this intellectual level, Marais was also able to come to Smuts's rescue at a time of awkward crisis.

Smuts came to Cambridge at the age of twenty-one, three or more years older than the typical university undergraduate. He was isolated from the other men of his year by a different social background, different upbringing, and different attitudes. Smuts's disdain for frivolity and laxity combined with his lack of interest in sports and his decision to take up lodgings outside the college, did much to divide him from the other students. During his first year at Cambridge, Smuts suffered from tremendous homesickness, describing himself as being 'utterly desolate'. Yet during this time Smuts had not found himself without social opportunities - as his biographer WK Hancock wrote:

> ...\[H\]is fellow ... lodger was a serious and friendly man called John Gregg, who became in later life Archbishop of Armagh. Gregg invited him in the first week or two to come for a walk ... but Smuts never proposed a second walk and Gregg got the impression that he wanted to be left to himself. In the same year at Christ's there was a warm-hearted medical student called Auden, who became in later life Chief Medial Officer at Birmingham and the father of a famous poet; but Smuts never returned the invitations to breakfast which he received once or twice from Auden and their acquaintance never ripened. Early in his first term Smuts received and accepted invitations to join the debating society and to write for the College magazine; but the never followed up the chances of friendship which these activities put in his way.

This could of course have simply been a case of Smuts's diffidence and reserve re-asserting itself in the face of new and unfamiliar surrounding; however Smuts's biographers almost universally ascribe it to the poverty Smuts endured during this first year.

The Ebden scholarship was usually worth £200 per year. However, in 1891, due to a failure of the fund's investments, it was worth only £100. The sale of Smuts's personal livestock holdings on the family farm had enabled him to pay his sea passage and left him with a small residue to bank, yet despite this there remained a substantial gap between his resources and his essential needs as a student. During his first term Christ's College provided him with a small scholarship, but the gap remained. This was a crippling burden for Smuts, yet it was Professor Marais who was to come to his rescue. Smuts, having confided his difficulties to Marais towards the end of 1891 received by immediate return a cheque for £50. Marais urged Smuts to write to him whenever he felt himself in need, in return of which Smuts took out a life insurance policy naming Marais as beneficiary. Should Smuts have died this policy would cover the loans, but while he lived, Smuts's integrity was Marais's only cover.

With Marais's loans combined with the Ebden scholarship, Smuts began to enjoy a degree of financial security. Though far from affluent he was at least able to meet his basic expenses. From his second year onwards Smuts began to enter more into the social arena of the university. He ceased to be lonely, making a number of friends and acquaintances, principally amongst the other colonial students. Though no longer so reclusive as he had been during his first year, he remained extremely serious and devoted to his work; an attitude which served as a barrier separating him from the English undergraduates, though not from the Fellows at Cambridge, with many of whom he struck up friendships.

In respect of his studies, he achieved the unique distinction of sitting both parts of the Law Tripos in the same year, passing both with first-class honours. Over the course of his studies at Cambridge Smuts won many academic awards and accolades, culminating, in 1893, with the award of the prestigious George Long prize in Roman Law and Jurisprudence \- a particular honour given that the prize was very rarely awarded as the rigorous academic standard required was very rarely met. This was all combined with extensive extracurricular reading and private research into various topics including poetry, philosophy, botany, and archaeology. As his biographer WK Hancock wrote:

> ... he pursued all his other interests after he had taken the measure of his day's work. He was able to do this because he worked unusually faster than other people and because he found recreation, not in the things that are fritterers of time, but in reading, thinking, writing, exploring.

### Aftermath

Smuts's time at Cambridge had been one of outstanding success; his tutor Professor FW Maitland, himself one of the most eminent legal minds of the time, described Smuts as the most brilliant Law student he had ever taught. With testimonials such as this, in summer 1894 Smuts was able to persuade the Ebden trustees to award him £100 for a further year's study. After a short holiday in Strasbourg, spent studying English conveyancing and German philosophy, Smuts returned to England. For a short time he contemplated moving to the Netherlands to seek a Dutch degree, but by October 1894 he had instead decided to read for the Bar. In December 1894 he passed the Honours Examination of the Inns of Court, passing first in his year. Smuts was called to the Middle Temple and soon received an offer of a fellowship in Law from his old college, Christ's. The possibility of a distinguished legal career in England, whether in practice or in academia, now lay before him. Instead, he rejected both paths; in June 1895, as his Ebden funding came to an end, the homesick Smuts returned to the Cape, determined to make his future there.

## Select bibliography

### Primary sources

* Hancock, WK and van der Poel, J (eds) - *Selections from the Smuts Papers*, 1886–1950, (7 vols), (1966–73)

### Smuts, General

* Cameron, T - *Jan Smuts: An Illustrated Biography*, (1994)
* Hancock, WK - *Smuts: 1. The Sanguine Years*, 1870–1919, (1962)
* Ingham, K - *Jan Christian Smuts: The Conscience of a South African*, (1986)
* Millin, SG - *General Smuts*, (2 vols), (1933)
* Smuts, JC - *Jan Christian Smuts*, (1952)


title: 1904 Nobel Prize in Literature

abstract: The 1904 Nobel Prize in Literature was the fourth literary prize resulting from Alfred Nobel's will. It was equally divided between the French Provençal philologist Frédéric Mistral (1830–1914) "in recognition of the fresh originality and true inspiration of his poetic production, which faithfully reflects the natural scenery and native spirit of his people, and, in addition, his significant work as a Provençal philologist" and the Spanish engineer and dramatist José Echegaray Eizaguirre (1832–1916) "in recognition of the numerous and brilliant compositions which, in an individual and original manner, have revived the great traditions of the Spanish drama." The winners were announced in October 1904 by Carl David af Wirsén, permanent secretary of the Swedish Academy. It was the first of the four occasions when the Nobel Prize in Literature has been shared between two individuals.

text:
# 1904 Nobel Prize in Literature

The **1904 Nobel Prize in Literature** was the fourth literary prize resulting from Alfred Nobel's will. It was equally divided between the French Provençal philologist Frédéric Mistral (1830–1914) "in recognition of the fresh originality and true inspiration of his poetic production, which faithfully reflects the natural scenery and native spirit of his people, and, in addition, his significant work as a Provençal philologist" and the Spanish engineer and dramatist José Echegaray Eizaguirre (1832–1916) "in recognition of the numerous and brilliant compositions which, in an individual and original manner, have revived the great traditions of the Spanish drama." The winners were announced in October 1904 by Carl David af Wirsén, permanent secretary of the Swedish Academy.

It was the first of the four occasions (1917, 1966, and 1974) when the Nobel Prize in Literature has been shared between two individuals.

## Laureates

### Frédéric Mistral

Mistral’s passion for poetry was sparked by one of his teachers, the Provençal poet Joseph Roumanille. He spent many years compiling *Trésor dóu Félibrige*, a dictionary of the Provençal language published by the Felibrige literary society, which he founded himself. His most important work, *Mirèio*, was published in 1859, the result of eight years of work. He also authored *Lou Tresor dóu Félibrige* (1878–1886), which to date remains the most comprehensive dictionary of the Occitan language, and one of the most reliable, thanks to the precision of its definitions. It is a bilingual dictionary, Occitan-French, in two large volumes, with all of the dialects of *oc*, including Provençal. Mistral owes to François Vidal the work of typesetting and revising that dictionary.

### José Echegaray Eizaguirre

Echegaray’s literary debut took place relatively late, in 1874 when he was 42 years old. He subsequently had a productive career, publishing an average of two plays a year for the rest of his life. A mathematician, engineer and administrator, he built his plays with the same regard for exactitude and duty that inspired his public life. Conflicts involving duty are at the heart of most of his plays, and he upheld the idea with uncompromising severity. His exalted romanticism is apparent in his choice of subjects. His most famous plays include *El gran Galeoto* (adapted into a silent film entitled "The World and His Wife"), *La esposa del vengador* ("The Avenger's Wife", 1874), and *Conflicto entre dos deberes* ("Conflict of Two Duties", 1882). He also extensively wrote 25 to 30 mathematical physics volumes.

## Deliberations

### Nominations

For the 1904 prize, the Swedish Academy received 29 nominations for 21 writers. Among the nominees were Albert Sorel, Anatole France (awarded later in 1921), Leo Tolstoy, Henrik Ibsen, Algernon Charles Swinburne, Rudyard Kipling (awarded in 1907), and Henryk Sienkiewicz (awarded later in 1905). Two of the nominees were women, Swedish novelist Selma Lagerlöf (awarded later in 1909) and French actress Émilie Lerou.

The authors Edwin Arnold, Anton Chekhov, Kate Chopin, Karl Emil Franzos, Lafcadio Hearn, Theodor Herzl, Wilhelm Jordan, Mór Jókai, Antonio Labriola, Dumitru Theodor Neculuță, Auguste Molinier, Larin Paraske, Ștefan Petică, Abai Qunanbaiuly, Samuel Smiles, Leslie Stephen, Hans von Hopfen, and Jose Clemente Zulueta died in 1904 without having been nominated for the prize.

Official list of nominees and their nominators for the prize
| No. | Nominee | Country | Genre(s) | Nominator(s) |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| 1 | Demetrios Bernardakis (1833–1907) | Greece | drama, history, essays | Athanasios Vernardakis (1848–1925) |
| 2 | Georg Brandes (1842–1927) | Denmark | literary criticism, essays | Troels Frederik Lund (1840–1921) |
| 3 | William Chapman (1850–1917) | Canada | poetry, translation | François Lhomme (1846–1929) |
| 4 | Robert Langton Douglas (1864–1951) | Great Britain | history, essays |  |
| 5 | José Echegaray Eizaguirre (1832–1916) | Spain | drama | Daniel de Cortázar Larrubia (1844–1927) |
| 6 | Anatole France (1844–1924) | France | poetry, essays, drama, novel, literary criticism | Marcellin Berthelot (1827–1907) |
| 7 | Henrik Ibsen (1828–1906) | Norway | drama | Jakob Minor (1855–1912) |
| 8 | Rudyard Kipling (1865–1936) | Great Britain | short story, novel, poetry | Edwin Arnold (1832–1904) |
| 9 | Selma Lagerlöf (1858–1940) | Sweden | novel, short story | Harald Hjärne (1848–1922) |
| 10 | Émilie Lerou (1855–1935) | France | novel, memoirs, drama | Jules Claretie (1840–1913) |
| 11 | Maurice Maeterlinck (1862–1949) | Belgium | drama, poetry, essays | Paul Thomas (1852–1937) |
| 12 | George Meredith (1828–1909) | Great Britain | novel, poetry | 3 members of the Incorporated Society of Authors |
| 13 | Frédéric Mistral (1830–1914) | France | poetry, philology | * Per Geijer (1886–1976) * Carl Wahlund (1846–1913) |
| 14 | John Morley (1838–1923) | Great Britain | biography, literary criticism, essays |  |
| 15 | Lewis Morris (1833–1907) | Great Britain | poetry, songwriting, essays |  |
| 16 | Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846–1916) | Russia
( Poland) | novel | Harald Hjärne (1848–1922) |
| 17 | Albert Sorel (1842–1906) | France | history, essays | Gabriel Hanotaux (1853–1944) |
| 18 | Algernon Charles Swinburne (1837–1909) | Great Britain | poetry, drama, literary criticism, novel |  |
| 19 | Leo Tolstoy (1828–1910) | Russia | novel, short story, drama, poetry |  |
| 20 | Jaroslav Vrchlický (1853–1912) | Austria–Hungary
( Czechoslovakia) | poetry, drama, translation |  |
| 21 | Theodor Zahn (1838–1933) | Germany | theology, essays | Lars Dahle (1843–1925) |

### Prize decision

It was later revealed that the Swedish Academy's official justification for a shared prize is not supported by how the Academy actually made their decision. The shared prize was in fact a compromise solution, caused by certain incompetence by the Nobel committee during the process. The shortlist consisted of Henryk Sienkiewicz, Frédéric Mistral and José Echegaray. During the committee's deliberations, Sienkiewicz's *Quo Vadis* was hailed as a masterpiece, but was passed over to the following year. Mistral, being shortlisted, appealed the committee because of his Provençal dialect, but the committee chairman Carl David af Wirsén was uncertain about the poor quality of translations of Mistral's works by committee member Rupert Nyblom, especially on his masterpiece *Mirèio*. Carl David af Wirsén was worried about the reputation of the committee and proposed withdrawing Mistral's candidacy and opting for Echegaray instead. After failing to get major approval and only find fifty per cent support for this proposal, the committee decided to share the prize, as a compromise choice, between the two men.

## Reactions

There was an uproar in the press in Spain and Italy, as Spain thought Benito Pérez Galdós – one of Europe's greatest living novelists at the time – would get the prize, same as Italians felt when they found that their national poet Giosuè Carducci was not recognized.

## Award Ceremony

At the award ceremony in December 10, 1904, af Wirsén said:

> "The Academy has thought particularly of two authors who would both have been worthy of the whole Nobel Prize. Both have attained the final limits not only of the poetic art, but even of human life; one is seventy-four years old, the other two years younger. Therefore the Academy believes it should not wait longer to confer on them a distinction they both equally merit, although from different points of view, and it has awarded half the annual Prize to each. If the material value of the award is thus diminished for each of the laureates, the Academy nonetheless wishes to state publicly that, in this particular case, it considers each of these two Prizes as the equivalent of the whole Prize."

Echegaray was not able to partake in nobel banquet and the awarding ceremony in Stockholm due to health conditions.

1. The Nobel Prize in Literature 1904 nobelprize.org
2. Facts on the Nobel Prize in Literature nobelprize.org
3. Frédéric Mistral – Facts nobelprize.org
4. José Echegaray – Facts nobelprize.org
5. Nomination archive – 1904 nobelprize.org
6. Svensén, Bo (2001). *Nobelpriset i litteratur. Nomineringar och utlåtanden 1901–1950*. Svenska Akademien. ISBN 9789113010076. Retrieved 11 November 2020. `{{cite book}}`: `|work=` ignored (help)
7. David Carter "Half a Prize for Spanish Flare" in *How to Win the Nobel Prize in Literature: A Handbook for the Would-Be Laureate*, Hesperus Press 2013
8. Gustav Källstrand *Andens Olympiska Spel: Nobelprisets historia*, Fri Tanke 2021
9. Award Ceremony speech nobelprize.org

## InfoBox

| 1904 Nobel Prize in Literature | |
| --- | --- |
| **José Echegaray Eizaguirre** and
**Frédéric Mistral** | |
| **Echegaray** ***"in recognition of the numerous and brilliant compositions which, in an individual and original manner, have revived the great traditions of the Spanish drama,"*** and **Mistral** ***"in recognition of the fresh originality and true inspiration of his poetic production, which faithfully reflects the natural scenery and native spirit of his people, and, in addition, his significant work as a Provençal philologist."*** | |
| Date | * 6 October 1904 (announcement) * 10 December 1904
(ceremony) |
| Location | Stockholm, Sweden |
| Presented by | Swedish Academy |
| First awarded | 1901 |
| Website | Official website |
|


title: East Devon Way

abstract: The East Devon Way is a long-distance footpath in England. It runs for 38 miles (61 km) between Exmouth in East Devon and Lyme Regis in Dorset. Landscapes seen on the path include estuary, high open commons, woodlands and river valleys. The route includes some fairly steep climbs but is generally not challenging. The path runs inland but links with the South West Coast Path at both ends. There is rail access to Exmouth via branch line from Exeter and buses serve both ends of the route.

text:
# East Devon Way

50°42′25″N 3°05′46″W / 50.707°N 3.096°W / 50.707; -3.096

The **East Devon Way** is a long-distance footpath in England. It runs for 38 miles (61 km) between Exmouth in East Devon and Lyme Regis in Dorset.

Landscapes seen on the path include estuary, high open commons, woodlands and river valleys. The route includes some fairly steep climbs but is generally not challenging.

The path runs inland but links with the South West Coast Path at both ends. There is rail access to Exmouth via branch line from Exeter and buses serve both ends of the route.

## Landscape features

## Places

## InfoBox

| East Devon Way | |
| --- | --- |
| The church at Musbury lies near the trail | |
| Length | 38 mi (61 km) |
| Location | South West England |
| Designation | UK National Trail |
| Trailheads | Exmouth, Devon<br>Lyme Regis, Dorset |
| Use | Hiking |


title: American Astronomical Society

abstract: The American Astronomical Society is an American society of professional astronomers and other interested individuals, headquartered in Washington, DC. The primary objective of the AAS is to promote the advancement of astronomy and closely related branches of science, while the secondary purpose includes enhancing astronomy education and providing a political voice for its members through lobbying and grassroots activities. Its current mission is to enhance and share humanity's scientific understanding of the universe as a diverse and inclusive astronomical community.

text:
# American Astronomical Society

The **American Astronomical Society** (**AAS**, sometimes spoken as "double-A-S") is an American society of professional astronomers and other interested individuals, headquartered in Washington, DC. The primary objective of the AAS is to promote the advancement of astronomy and closely related branches of science, while the secondary purpose includes enhancing astronomy education and providing a political voice for its members through lobbying and grassroots activities. Its current mission is to enhance and share humanity's scientific understanding of the universe as a diverse and inclusive astronomical community.

## History

The society was founded in 1899 through the efforts of George Ellery Hale. The constitution of the group was written by Hale, George Comstock, Edward Morley, Simon Newcomb and Edward Charles Pickering. These men, plus four others, were the first Executive Council of the society; Newcomb was the first president. The initial membership was 114. The AAS name of the society was not finally decided until 1915, previously it was the "Astronomical and Astrophysical Society of America". One proposed name that preceded this interim name was "American Astrophysical Society".

The AAS today has over 8,000 members and six divisions – the Division for Planetary Sciences (1968), the Division on Dynamical Astronomy (1969), the High Energy Astrophysics Division (1969), the Solar Physics Division (1969), the Historical Astronomy Division (1980) and the Laboratory Astrophysics Division (2012). The membership includes physicists, mathematicians, geologists, engineers and others whose research interests lie within the broad spectrum of subjects now comprising contemporary astronomy. The annual meeting of the AAS is held in the spring and constitutes the largest gathering of astronomers, numbering over 3,000 in 2023.

In 2019 three AAS members were selected into the tenth anniversary class of TED Fellows.

The AAS established the AAS Fellows program in 2019 to "confer recognition upon AAS members for achievement and extraordinary service to the field of astronomy and the American Astronomical Society." The inaugural class was designated by the AAS Board of Trustees and includes an initial group of 232 Legacy Fellows.

## Divisions

Because the field of astronomy is diverse, several divisions have been formed each of which promotes and enables a different branch of astronomy or astronomy-related science as well as working within the overall charter of the AAS. Many of the divisions hold separate meetings in addition to meeting with the main group. The divisions of the AAS, together with their main research interests, are:

## Publications

## Prizes

Similar prizes are awarded by AAS divisions. These include:

The AAS also manages an International Travel Grant program, which any astronomer working in the US may apply to for travel to international astronomy-related conferences and other smaller grant and award programs. American Astronomical Society won the 2020 Webby People's Voice Award for Association in the category Web.

## Past presidents

The following past and present members served as president of the society during the listed periods:

### Archival collections

#### Niels Bohr Library & Archives

## InfoBox

American Astronomical Society
|
|  |
| Formation | 1899 (1899) |
| Type | Non-governmental organization |
| Purpose | The advancement of astronomy and closely related branches of science. |
| Headquarters | Washington, D.C. |
| Membership | 7,000 |
| President | Kelsey Johnson |
| Website | aas.org |
| Formerly called | Astronomical and Astrophysical Society of America |


title: 1864 in Australia

abstract: The following lists events that happened during 1864 in Australia.

text:
# 1864 in Australia

The following lists events that happened during **1864 in Australia**.

## Incumbents

### Governors

Governors of the Australian colonies:

### Premiers

Premiers of the Australian colonies:

## Arts

* Twofold Bay Waltzes by Georgina Isabella O'Sullivan née Keon (1841-1927 daughter of George Plunkett Keon JP, niece of John PlunkettQC)

## Events

## Sport

## Births

## Deaths

## InfoBox

|  | |
| --- | --- |
| Decades: |  |
| See also: |  |


title: 1904–05 County Antrim Shield

abstract: The 1904–05 County Antrim Shield was the 17th edition of the County Antrim Shield, a cup competition in Irish football. Distillery won the tournament for the 7th time, defeating Linfield 2–0 in the final at Solitude.

text:
# 1904–05 County Antrim Shield

The **1904–05 County Antrim Shield** was the 17th edition of the County Antrim Shield, a cup competition in Irish football.

Distillery won the tournament for the 7th time, defeating Linfield 2–0 in the final at Solitude.

## Results

### Quarter-finals

| Team 1 | Score | Team 2 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Belfast Celtic | 1–2 | **Linfield** |
| Cliftonville | 0–2 | **Glentoran II** |
| **Distillery** | bye |  |
| **Glentoran** | bye |  |

### Semi-finals

| Team 1 | Score | Team 2 |
| --- | --- | --- |
| **Distillery** | 2–1 | Glentoran |
| **Linfield** | 2–0 | Glentoran II |

### Final

| Distillery | 2–0 | Linfield |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Murray <br>Soye | Report |  |

Solitude, BelfastAttendance: 4,000Referee: Tom Robertson

## InfoBox

1904–05 County Antrim Shield
| Tournament details | |
| --- | --- |
| Country | Ireland |
| Teams | 6 |
| Defending champions | Linfield |
| Final positions | |
| Champions | Distillery (7th win) |
| Runner-up | Linfield |
| Tournament statistics | |
| Matches played | 5 |
| Goals scored | 12 (2.4 per match) |
|  | |


title: Aminata Ouédraogo

abstract: Aminata Ouédraogo is a Burkinabé filmmaker and administrator. She is general coordinator of the Pan-African Union of Women in the Image Industry (UPAFI).

text:
# Aminata Ouédraogo

**Aminata Ouédraogo** is a Burkinabé filmmaker and administrator. She is general coordinator of the Pan-African Union of Women in the Image Industry (UPAFI).

## Life

Ouédraogo studied at the Institut Africain d'Education Cinématographique (INAFEC), a film school at the University of Ouagadougou, before studying at the Institut du Multimedia et Architecture de la Communication (IMAC) in Paris.

Ouédraogo has advised the Panafrican Film and Television Festival of Ouagadougou (FESPACO). In 1991, at the 12th FESPACO, she created the Association of African Women Professionals in Cinema, Television and Video (AFAPCTV). In 1995 the AFAPCTV was restructured as the Pan-African Union of Women in the Image Industry (UPAFI), with Ouédraogo as general coordinator. She is technical advisor to the Minister of Culture and Tourism in Burkina Faso.

## Filmography

* *L'impasse*, 1988. Fiction.
* *A qui le tour?*, 1991. Documentary
* *Ak Patashi (Qui m'a poussé)*, 1992. Documentary.
* *Alcoolisme*, 1992. Documentary.

## InfoBox

| Aminata Ouédraogo | |
| --- | --- |
| Born | Burkinabé |
| Education | Institut Africain d'Education Cinématographique (INAFEC). Film school at the University of Ouagadougou. Institut du Multimedia et Architecture de la Communication (IMAC) in Paris |
| Alma mater | University of Ouagadougou |
| Occupation(s) | Filmmaker and administrator |
| Notable work | Alcoolisme, 1992 |


title: Eastern Ranges

abstract: The Eastern Ranges is an Australian rules football team that currently competes in the Talent League, the Victorian statewide under-18s competition.

text:
# Eastern Ranges

The **Eastern Ranges** is an Australian rules football team that currently competes in the Talent League, the Victorian statewide under-18s competition.

## History

### Inaugural playing squad (1992)

Eastern Ranges 1992 playing squad
| Primary list | | | | | |  | | Coaching staff | |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| * 1  Mark Attard * 2  Andrew Eslick * 3  Mark Brebner * 4  Dean Grace * 5  Aaron Rochie * 6  Heath Goodale * 7  Brett Chandler * 8  Travis Keoug * 9  Darrin Albert * 10  Paul Mullarvey * 11  Travis Mulder * 12  Adam McConnell * 13  Brad Nicholson * 14  Bruce Cohen
 |  | * 15  Jason Disney * 16  Brendan Jackson * 17  Lee Corcoran * 18  Steven Harvey * 19  Danny Pearce * 20  Colin Phillips * 21  Brett Greig * 22  Brett Hartin * 23  Bevan Smillie * 24  Rayden Tallis * 25  Adam Kingsley * 26  Damien Franken * 27  Justin Carusi * 28  Marcus McDonald * 29  Jeremy McVay * 30  Jason Daniltchenko * 31  Karson Stimson
 |  | * 32  Tim Bickerton * 33  Glenn Wallace * 34  Matthew Allen * 35  Daniel Hargraves * 36  Darren Sharp * 37  Ben Aulich * 38  Steven Welsh * 39  Cameron James * 40  Michael Scoon * 46  Trent Jacobs * 47  Dean Talbot * 48  Paul van Hoorn
 |  |  |  |

---  Legend:* (c) Captain(s) * (vc) Vice-captain(s) * *italics* \- Inactive player list
 * Long-term injury
 * (ret.) Retired
  ---  Updated:
Source(s): |

## Honours

* **Premiers (2):** 2002, 2013
* **Runners-up (6):** 1995, 2000, 2004, 2015, 2019, 2023
* **Minor Premiers (3)**: 1995, 2002, 2019
* **Wooden Spoons (1)**: 2012
* **Morrish Medallists:** Matthew Bate (2004), Ben Cavarra (2013)
* **TAC Cup Coach Award Winners:** Jason Snell (1995), Tim Finocchairo (1996), Blake Grima (2002), Rory Sloane (2008)
* **Grand Final Best-on-Ground Medalists:** Stephen Dinnell (2002), Ben Cavarra (2013)

## Draftees

## InfoBox

| Eastern Ranges | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Names | |
| Full name | Eastern Ranges Football Club |
| Nickname(s) | *Ranges* |
| 2023 season | |
| After finals | 2nd |
| Home-and-away season | 6th |
| Club details | |
| Founded | 1992 (1992) |
| Colours | Blue
Yellow
White
Red |
| Competition | Talent League |
| Premierships | Talent League (2) 2002, 2013 |
| Ground(s) | Box Hill City Oval |
| Other information | |
| Official website | easternranges.aflvic.com.au |


abstract: The 1871 Minnesota lieutenant gubernatorial election was held on 7 November 1871 in order to elect the lieutenant governor of Minnesota. Republican nominee and incumbent lieutenant governor William H. Yale defeated Democratic nominee David L. Buell and Temperance nominee William A. Bentley.

text:
# 1871 Minnesota lieutenant gubernatorial election

The **1871 Minnesota lieutenant gubernatorial election** was held on 7 November 1871 in order to elect the lieutenant governor of Minnesota. Republican nominee and incumbent lieutenant governor William H. Yale defeated Democratic nominee David L. Buell and Temperance nominee William A. Bentley.

## General election

On election day, 7 November 1871, Republican nominee William H. Yale won re-election by a margin of 16,870 votes against his foremost opponent Democratic nominee David L. Buell, thereby retaining Republican control over the office of lieutenant governor. Yale was sworn in for his second term on 7 January 1872.

### Results

Minnesota lieutenant gubernatorial election, 1871
| Party | | Candidate | Votes | % |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
|  | **Republican** | **William H. Yale (incumbent)** | **47,039** | **60.82** |
|  | Democratic | David L. Buell | 30,169 | 39.01 |
|  | Prohibition | William A. Bentley | 132 | 0.17 |
| Total votes | | | **77,340** | **100.00** |
|  | Republican **hold** | | | |

## InfoBox

1871 Minnesota lieutenant gubernatorial election
| --- | |
| --- | --- |
|  | |
| Nominee **William H. Yale** David L. Buell   Party Republican Democratic  Popular vote **47,039** 30,169  Percentage **60.82%** 39.01% | |
| ---  **Lieutenant Governor before election**
William H. Yale
Republican **Elected Lieutenant Governor**
William H. Yale
Republican | |