Congress has fielded Bhavya Bishnoi from Hisar and Shruti Chaudhary from Bhiwani-Mahendargarh constituency. For decades, Haryana politics was synonymous with the fascinating power struggle among three Lals -- Devi Lal, Bansi Lal and Bhajan Lal. However, the younger generations of the Lal clans, who are in the fray for the 10 Lok Sabha seats in Haryana, are up against not just each other, but a new challenge -- the Modi factor. Almost all the Bharatiya Janata Party candidates in Haryana are not well-known faces but are in contention due to the popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. On the other hand, the dynasts are seeking votes in the names of their great-grandfathers, grandfathers and fathers. While addressing public meetings, they repeatedly targeted PM Modi and his government's policies, with hardly any mention of Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar. Shruti Choudhary, the Congress nominee from Bhiwani, invoked the legacy of her grandfather and former Haryana chief minister late Bansi Lal at her rallies. The Congress candidate from Hisar, Bhavya Bishnoi, is also counting on the legacy of his grandfather Bhajan Lal, another former chief minister of Haryana. Choudhary is pitted against the BJP's sitting MP, Dharambir Singh, who is a known face. Bishnoi is in a three-way contest with two other dynasts -- sitting Hisar MP and Jannayak Janata Party founder Dushyant Chautala and BJP's Brijendra Singh. While Chautala comes from one of the most prominent political clans in Haryana, Singh is the son of Union minister Birendra Singh. In his speeches, Chautala also spoke at length about his late great grandfather Devi Lal, another former chief minister of Haryana, and the work done by him. Both Choudhary and Bishnoi described their BJP rivals as "politically lightweight" and suggested that they are fighting against PM Modi. Chautala echoed similar sentiments. "Actually the contest is with Modi and and as far as the BJP candidates are concerned, they can't contest election on their own." Deposits of the BJP candidates will be forfeited if they contest on their name or that of Khattar. Choudhary said she talked about her grandfather as he did a lot for Bhiwani and her family had maintained personal relations with people of the town. Bishnoi also hopes to get the blessings of all sections of society like his grandfather. Rohtak too is set for a similar contest. Sitting Congress MP Deepender Singh Hooda, scion of the influential Hooda clan, will take on BJP's Arvind Sharma in Rohtak. Hooda has reminded voters of the development work done by him and by his father Bhupinder Singh Hooda -- a former two-time Haryana chief minister. He also attacked PM Modi and his government on issues of farm distress and demonetisation. The BJP has no vision for the state and it has nothing to offer besides PM Modi, Hooda said. Talking about dynastic politics in Haryana, former head of political science department in Kurukshetra University, BD Sharma, said, "Loyalty for family is stronger than loyalty for party in Haryana and perhaps that is the reason why parties, other than the BJP, have relied on dynasts." Even if the dynasts switch parties or form a new party, the loyalty for their families remains, he said. Describing the fight in Haryana as a clash of personalities, Sharma said it is not a contest between parties, but between PM Modi, a national figure, and a regional strongman and his family's legacy. Nine members of prominent political families are in the fray in Haryana including five from the Congress, two from the JJP and one each from the BJP and the Indian National Lok Dal. Voting for all 10 Lok Sabha seats in Haryana will be held on May 12.<doc-sep>A truck was set ablaze in Murthal, Haryana, during the Jat protests in 2016. (Express File Photo: Prem Nath Pandey) A truck was set ablaze in Murthal, Haryana, during the Jat protests in 2016. (Express File Photo: Prem Nath Pandey) Three years ago, waves of violence raced through Haryana as thousands of members of the Jat community took to the streets demanding reservation. At least 30 were killed, dozens injured, and scores of shops and buildings ransacked and set ablaze. As Haryana votes on Sunday for its 10 Lok Sabha seats, the shadow of the 2016 protests looms over a divided electorate, especially in the Jat heartland of Jhajjar and Rohtak. The Jats are among the most dominant communities in several states of the country, including Haryana. Successive governments, both of the Congress and BJP, have made repeated attempts to keep the Jats happy by promising them reservations in government jobs and educational institutions. Steps have been initiated on several occasions, but the issue of reservation continues to remain entangled in litigation. The key reason for the failure to implement the Jat quota is that it breaches the 50 per cent ceiling for reservations set by the Supreme Court. The demands of the protesters of February 2016 can probably be met only with an amendment in the Constitution of India. Explained: Jat agitation in 2016 For the last many years, the Jats in Haryana had been staging protests against the then governments, seeking reservation in educational institutions and government jobs. They had staged massive agitations during the Congress’s 10-year rule from 2004 to 2014 as well, seeking reservation. Highways and rail tracks would be blocked by large numbers of Jat protesters for days together. The agitations would typically cease following assurances by politicians. In October 2014, the BJP came to power in Haryana with a clear majority for the first time. A non-Jat became Chief Minister, breaking the tradition of mostly Jat heads of government in the history of the state. From January 2016, Jats started squatting on highways, and taking out protest marches. By the first week of February, the protests started gaining momentum not only in the Jat-dominated areas of Rohtak, Jhajjar, Jind, Sonipat and Hisar, but in various other parts of the state as well. As frustration and simmering anger against the government headed by a non-Jat leader boiled over, Jat leaders in the BJP tried to pacify the protesters, but in vain. The Jats eventually went on the rampage, and the BJP, a novice in running the government in Haryana, looked towards the Centre and relied completely upon the paramilitary forces, followed by the Army, to control the situation. Since a large number of Jats held administrative posts in district administrations and the police, there was a clear lack of will to act against the protesters, further crippling the effort to curb the agitation. Don’t miss in Explained | Why Akhilesh curtailed his campaign for fear of exceeding EC’s ceiling on poll expenses What did BJP government do to ensure quota for Jat community? Within a month of the violence that left 30 persons dead, property worth hundreds of crores gutted, and damage done to the social fabric of the state, the BJP came up with legislation to provide 10 per cent reservation to Jats and five other castes – Bishnois, Rors, Tyagis, Mulla/Muslim Jats, and Jat Sikhs. In March 2016, the Haryana Assembly passed two Bills: The Haryana Backward Classes (Reservation in Services and Admission in Educational Institutions) Bill, 2016, which proposed to give statutory status to Backward Classes Block ‘A’, Backward Classes Block ‘B’, and Backward Classes Block ‘C’; and The Haryana Backward Classes Commission Bill, 2016, which proposed to set up a permanent mechanism and give statutory status to the Haryana Backward Classes Commission. On September 1, 2017, the Punjab and Haryana High Court upheld the reservation, but stayed its implementation until March 31, 2018. The HC also added that the extent of reservation shall be determined by the State Backward Classes Commission on the basis of data provided either by the state government, or collected by the Commission on its own. The Commission has, so far, not submitted its report to the government. The Haryana government sent its legislation to the Union government for inclusion in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution, as the proposed reservation breached the 50 per cent ceiling set by Supreme Court. However, the items in the Ninth Schedule, which were originally protected from judicial scrutiny, are now no longer entirely immune. The Supreme Court, in I R Coelho v State of Tamil Nadu (2007), ruled that laws that violated the basic structure of the Constitution would be open to judicial review, including any law added to the Ninth Schedule after April 24, 1973. The state government’s move was challenged in the Supreme Court, and it remains pending there. What did the previous Congress govt do to ensure reservation for Jat community? A few months before the 2014 polls, the Congress government, in December 2013, announced a 10 per cent quota for Jats and other castes by way of a Cabinet decision. On March 4, 2014, the Centre also announced quota to Jats and others in central government jobs and educational institutions. But the Supreme Court set aside the quota in central government jobs. Thus, reservation provided to the Jats and other castes by the Congress government in Haryana too, was declared ultra vires of the Constitution. What is the solution that the protesting Jat leaders give? Jat leaders suggest that Jats and other castes should be included in the “Backward Classes” category, which is already covered under the 27 per cent quota. In this 27 per cent, 16 per cent reservation is given to the more backward categories (BC-A), and 11 per cent to the BC-B that includes Sainis, Yadavs, Gujjars, Ahirs, Kurmis and Lodhas. The Jats are demanding that they should be included in the BC-B category at least, after the share of this category is upped to 14 per cent, creating room in the tent for them and other castes. However, the government has argued that such a move would not be legally tenable, and would disturb the Backward Classes reservation.<doc-sep>Political analyst says farmers’ issues could impact outcome, but party buoyed by Jind bypoll win. In the 2014 Lok Sabha election, the BJP almost swept Haryana riding on the “Modi” wave and an undercurrent of anger against the ruling Congress for alleged regional biases in recruitment and development. For the May 12 election in the State, the voters are, however, set to rate the ruling BJP on its performance and fulfilment of election promises in the State and the Centre. In 2014, the BJP won seven of the 10 seats and the Indian National Lok Dal two. The Congress retained just the Rohtak seat, won by Deepender Singh Hooda, son of the then Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda. The BJP contested eight seats, while its then ally, the Haryana Janhit Congress, lost the two it contested. A leading political analyst in the State opines that in 2014, the BJP benefited from a confluence of favourable factors. “Apart from the undercurrent [against the Congress] and Modi wave, Jat division and non-Jat consolidation proved to be a catalyst in 2014,” said Kushal Pal, Head of the Department of Political Science at Dyal Singh College in Karnal. “Also, the BJP got the support of the Sirsa-based Dera Sacha Sauda, which helped the party in a big way as north Haryana has a sizeable strength of Dera supporters. Another factor that worked in the BJP’s favour was the crossing over of senior Congress leaders like Birendra Singh and Rao Inderjeet Singh,” he said. This time, however, the performance of the BJP at the Centre and in the State are likely to be a larger factor in influencing voting intentions. The recent win in the Jind Assembly election and victories in the municipal polls in five cities have buoyed the BJP’s confidence. However, with the Congress fielding seasoned campaigners like Kumari Selja and Ashok Tanwar in many seats, the party is seen offering a “challenging fight”. “People will assess the BJP on what has been delivered by it on key promises, which included two crore jobs, and this doesn’t look to be working in favour of the party,” Professor Pal said. The BJP has been consistently evoking the national security issue. “Haryana sends its youth to the armed forces so air strikes post Pulwama and surgical strikes will find some favour. But with the BJP not in favour of farm loan waiver schemes, it could dent its farmer vote base,” he said. The Congress is publicising its proposed ‘Nyay’ scheme, besides policies aimed at benefiting farmers. “The grand old party is also banking on its old warhorses including former CM Bhupinder Singh Hooda and his son Deepinder Singh Hooda,” observed Mr. Pal. “Besides, it has fielded heavyweight leaders including Kumari Selja, Ashok Tanwar and Kuldeep Sharma to not let the election be a cakewalk for the BJP,” he added. This time, the INLD’s breakaway faction, the Jannayak Janta Party, is in the fray and is contesting seven seats in alliance with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).<doc-sep>
The political landscape of Haryana is looking unprecedentedly cluttered and messy in the run-up to the voting this month Former Haryana chief minister and Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda nailed the election season with this remark: “The route to Chandigarh is via Delhi this time.” Polls on May 12 for the state’s 10 Lok Sabha seats are more about strategising and building positions for the Assembly elections, due later in the year. If the political landscape of Haryana is looking unprecedentedly cluttered and messy in the run-up to the voting this month, it is because the actions of the political players are dictated by this one thought. Ever since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) upset a carefully constructed applecart in 2014 to walk away with seven out of the ten seats and backed it up with a surprise solo victory in the Assembly elections, all the traditional equations got tossed out. No party has been as impacted by the BJP’s ascendancy as its one-time senior partner, the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), led by Om Prakash Chautala. With Chautala and his elder son Ajay serving time for a teachers’ recruitment scam, and younger son Abhay managing the party, it was a matter of time before there was a split. So, now you have Ajay’s sons Dushyant and Digvijay at the helm of a new outfit called the Jannayak Janata Party (JJP), which has commandeered most of the Jat vote bank of the parent INLD. The uncharitable say the INLD is the rump now. The JJP, led by Dushyant, Lok Sabha MP from Hisar, has tied up with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Though they appear to be seeking comfort in each other’s arms, bot h the parties have still not figured out how to negotiate the deeply polarised Jats-versus -non-Jats situation. If Dushyant’s JJP has attracted much of the INLD’s Jat support, the Hoodas of the Congress are equal if not stronger magnets for the community. Bhupinder Singh Hooda and his son Deepender are contesting from two crucial seats of the Jat heartland. It’s not for nothing that the JJP has fielded Digvijay Chautala to take on Hooda Senior from Sonepat. Deepender, a three-time MP from the Hooda family pocket borough Rohtak, is the current favourite for a fourth term. In fact, he was the only candidate from his party to have won a seat in the state in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. The fight for the 29% Jat votes will be mostly between the Congress and the JJP this time. The BJP is staying true to its tried-and-tested formula of fielding mostly non-Jats like Brahmins or Punjabis, and has emerged as the champion of non-Jat communities during chief minister Manohar Lal Khattar’s rule. So, Khattar, a Punjabi from Karnal who has of late acquired the sobriquet of being ‘Bhajan Lal II’, is replicating his 2014 strategy of fielding mostly non-Jat candidates in Jat-dominated areas. Though many within the BJP were uneasy when the Khattar government in 2016 seemed to appease the Jat community during the reservation agitation when cases of arson and looting were withdrawn, most agree that the BJP rule has been instrumental in sharpening the polarisation between the two main blocks. Says veteran CPI(M) leader Inderjeet Singh, “The four-and-a-half-year rule of Manohar Lal has been all about how non-Jat communities cornered plum posts and jobs. The Jats are irked.” This is why Hooda is telling members of the community that if they stick with him, he can “bring back the golden days when they called the shots in government”. Upset with the BJP for withdrawing cases against Jat agitators, rebel BJP MP from Kurukshetra, Raj Kumar Saini, formed the Loktantra Suraksha Party to ‘end the dominance of the Jat community’. He has allied with the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) to bring together the Dalit and backward classes votes though he is not contesting the elections. Saini’s eyes are set on the Assembly polls and this is but a dry run for his experiment. Chander Suta Dogra is a senior journalist