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2012-07-18
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/offside-egypt-s-transitional-politics-shows-football-red-card
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On 30 June, President Mohamed Morsy was attending a ceremony organized by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces at the Central Military Area, also known as Hike Step, to celebrate the handover of power to Egypt's elected leader. At roughly the same time, Egypt's national football team was playing against the Central African Republic, in a crucial match to determine whether Egypt would qualify for the Africa Cup of Nations, to be held in South Africa in 2013. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); However, Egypt's national team, commonly dubbed the Pharaohs, was unable to qualify for the tournament after the two teams drew 1-1. In order to qualify, Egypt needed to win by two goals, after it had lost to the same team 3-2 at home in June. The national team's failure to qualify was rather disregarded by a media once obsessed with the most popular sport in the country. For sports media, normally accustomed to reveling in criticizing the national team and its coaches, to receive the news with such apathy was odd to many. That attention fell to politics rather than to football stands in stark contrast with the February 2006 drowning of Al-Salam ferry in the Red Sea, which cost 1,100 passengers their lives and was associated with regime corruption. That accident also coincided with Egypt's hosting of the Africa Cup. "At the time of that catastrophe, state media rearranged the public's priorities through unprecedented, extensive propaganda for the championship, urging high turnout at stadiums. So the state managed to diminish public attention to the incident," says Emad Shahin, professor of political science at the American University in Cairo. With today's more dynamic political scene now taking the attention away from the game, questions are being raised about the level of distraction once engineered by the regime. "The balance is being reset. The former regime used some sources of entertainment, such as football, to ensure people were distracted from politics and allow them to transfer their need for political affiliation, to an Islamist or leftist party for example, to certain football teams, such as Ahly and Zamalek," Shahin says. Ayman Abou Ayed, head of the sports department at the state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram, says Egypt's national team played four official matches over the past few weeks that were all overshadowed by the presidential election. The busy political landscape has also outshone the team's declining performance. Egypt, which has won the Africa Cup of Nations seven times, has not achieved a single football success over the 18 months of the interim period following the 25 January revolution. Egypt currently ranks 42nd in the monthly FIFA World Rankings, slipping from a respectable ninth place in July 2010. Political interruptions Continuous interruptions have marred both the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 seasons. The former was put on hold for three months following the outbreak of protests in January 2011. The 2011-2012 season started six weeks behind schedule in mid-September. That season came to an abrupt end in February when a match between Ahly and Masry in Port Said left 74 people dead, after clashes between fans of the two clubs. Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri ordered the dissolution of the Egyptian Football Association (EFA) in the aftermath of the bloody match, appointed a temporary one and called off the league. The incident turned football into a political conversation, in which the country's military rulers and their security apparatus were charged with failing to prevent the massacre. "This was the first time in the history of Egyptian football that victims have fallen after a football match. This match has fanned the flames of conflict between revolutionaries and the SCAF," says Ayed. The match sparked protests in Cairo and Port Said that were met with staunch resistance from the security apparatus. Ultras Ahlawy and Ultras White Knights, which support Ahly and Zamalek respectively, staged several marches across Egypt calling for the downfall of the SCAF and accusing it of involvement in the incident. The protests demonstrated how hardcore football fans were becoming increasingly involved in politics, an issue that the revolution had highlighted since ultras were among the first to take to the streets in January 2011, demanding an end to the repressive practices of the police apparatus. "The violence that erupted after the [Port Said] match is one of the most important reasons why people have lost interest in football," Ayed says. Meanwhile, the Interior Ministry has decided that all official matches for Egypt's national team and other Egyptian teams be played without spectators until political conditions in the country improve. Khaled Bayoumy, a football expert, says, "The absence of spectators is one of the reasons why people are apathetic about football. Playing regular matches at the local and African level reflects the restoration of security." From sports to politics: The media shifts In the same way that political interruptions have taken the public's attention away from football, sports media have followed suit. After the revolution, all sports talk shows have dedicated at least a segment or more to politics. For one, former presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq, the last premier under toppled President Hosni Mubarak, appeared on the Modern Sport channel. Khaled al-Ghandour, a former player for Zamalek in the 1990s and a sports presenter on Dream TV, says certain issues cannot be ignored. Even a sports presenter is interested in commenting on the presidential election, he says. "It is now necessary for me to allocate at least five minutes of the show's one hour to politics," he adds. The political orientation of football icons has also become central to public opinion, rather than their usual business of sport. Ahly football star Mohamed Abu Treika was one of the first to declare support for a presidential candidate publicly. Abu Treika appeared in a YouTube clip before the first round of elections held in May and announced his support for Morsy. His decision to announce his choice for president left his club in an awkward situation, particularly since Ahly's TV channel had been broadcasting Shafiq's campaign commercials for free in support of his bid. Commenting on Abu Treika's move, Ghandour said, "Any football star has admirers who may be influenced by his choices. That is why I would have preferred that every player keeps his choice for president secret." Meanwhile, the support that Shafiq got from Ahmed Shoubeir, Ahly's goalkeeper in the 1990s, and Magdy Abdel Ghany, a presenter on Modern Sport and another former Ahly player, also grabbed attention. Both Shoubeir and Abdel Ghany were entrenched in politics before the revolution, being MPs from the formerly ruling National Democratic Party, in 2005 and 2010 respectively. "Several sports media professionals brown-nosed the former regime by giving the audience a large dose of sport to divert their attention away from politics. Today, the opposite is happening," says Bayoumy. Back to normal? The Interior Ministry on Sunday announced that league matches would not resume for the 2012-2013 season, citing security concerns. The suspension has cost the league heavily, with losses estimated at LE1.2 billion, according to a report issued by the board of directors of the EFA. They include an average of LE570 million in annual sums payable by clubs to players, LE210 million in lost sponsorship contracts, LE200 million for TV commercials, and LE270 for contracts with satellite channels that broadcast the tournaments. Meanwhile, the new EFA elections are due to begin at the end of August. Three electoral lists of candidates are competing for the board and its chairmanship. The first list includes members of the dissolved board, who are considered part of the former regime. The second list comprises footballers who have Islamist orientations and receive the support of the Freedom and Justice Party. The third includes reformists in the field who are associated with neither the old regime nor the increasingly powerful FJP. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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108 |
2012-07-19
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/photos-clashes-outside-syrian-embassy
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Some 300 Syrian and Egyptian activists clashed with Central Security Forces on Wednesday evening, after their attempt to raise the flag of the Syrian revolution over the embassy in Cairo was met with birdshot fire and tear gas. Barrages of stones were exchanged, injuring dozens as a six-hour long street battle was waged at the embassy and in the surrounding area. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Clashes started at around 6:45 pm as stones were lobbed at security officers, and continued for several hours. Earlier that day, a bomb killed three of President Bashar al-Assad's top military officials, including the defense minister, the most significant blow to Assad's government since the outbreak of the country's nearly 17-month-old rebellion. Fighting that followed attacks launched by the Free Syrian Army had spread throughout Damascus. This prompted protesters in Egypt to march to the Syrian Embassy in Cairo, where a standoff with the security forces eventually escalated into clashes. Protesters, who came out in solidarity with Syrian opposition forces, were demanding Egyptian President Mohamed Morsy take a stance in favor of the Free Syrian Army, in addition to the expulsion of the Syrian ambassador and an end to the shelling and besieging of Syrian cities by the Assad regime. "Down with Bashar," and "Egypt and Syria are one," they chanted. "The fact that they protect the embassy shows their support for Bashar al-Assad," remarks a 20-year-old Egyptian protester who spoke on condition of anonymity. "The Syrian people are being massacred and Morsy is sitting on his chair in the meantime. We recognize none but the Free Syrian Army, and we want Morsy to take a stance." "This ambassador is complicit in massacres in Deir al-Zor and Idlib. He does not represent me and we want him gone," says Abdel Aziz Ilwan, a 26-year-old Syrian from Hama who studies in Egypt. A 23-year-old Syrian who spoke on the condition of anonymity defected from the army and fled from Aleppo seven months ago. "Many of my friends died and I don't know anything about my family," he said, adding that he felt compelled to protest against Assad's regime. Ceasefire Around 9 pm, a short-lived moment of calm gave protesters the chance to plead with police for the release of five protesters who had by then been detained. "We want nothing else, we will leave if you release them", pleaded one protester. Activist Islam Nuriddin, who had been negotiating with the security forces for the release of demonstrators, said his efforts were to no avail. Egyptian protesters were asking Syrians to leave out of fear they would be deported. As ultras were singing songs against the Interior Ministry, the protest transformed slowly into yet another chapter in the feud between Egyptian youth and Central Security Forces. The latter were responsible for the killing of many protesters, creating deep-seated animosity that has manifested itself in numerous violent confrontations since January 2011. Tensions rose until fighting erupted again, taking a more violent form this time. Security forces and protesters took turns charging and retreating, as stones filled the sky for at least another four hours. This time, protesters hurled Molotov cocktails at security forces, who responded with birdshot. After midnight, protesters were pushed back to the Kempinski Hotel on the Corniche, from where they moved up and down the side streets near the American and British embassies, where the battle now took place. Every now and then, young men sprayed with birdshot, shot with larger bullets, or wounded by rocks would run back to take cover. Single police cars passing by the protesters were attacked with rocks, shattering the windows. People dressed in plain clothes as well as police and army uniforms were seen throwing stones at protesters this time. In the meantime, chants against the Interior Ministry became dominant, and one protester remarked that in addition to showing solidarity with the Syrian people, demonstrations show the crimes of the CSF against the Egyptian people must not be forgotten.
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109 |
2012-08-01
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/patron-saints
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Egypt's revolution was leaderless, but not everyone got the memo. Today legions gravitate towards one notable or another, one visionary or another, one sheikh or another, one demagogue or another. There are those who self-describe as "Hazemoon," the followers of Sheikh Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, and those who consider themselves among the ultras of Mohamed Elbaradei. There are those who see the Brotherhood's Supreme Guide as clairvoyant and those who mourned for months the death of Pope Shenouda as if a connection to God had been permanently severed. Some flock after Sheikh Wagdy Ghonim's fiery vitriol and others watch hours of online inflammatory videos from defrocked and exiled Father Zakaria Botros. In the end, there's plenty of hand-kissing going on these days. At a time when Egyptian institutions are fighting for their survival, celebrity messiahs, saviors, and deliverers are a pound a dozen. They are auxiliary instruments whose seemingly rogue contrarian posturing does little beyond nudge age-old institutions toward greater hegemony over society. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); All institutions have inherent problems, which are magnified and aggravated within religious institutions specifically. They are hierarchical structures that emphasize conformity, render subjects dependent, and enshrine a chain of command. Their process of specialization in their ranks leads to ultra-specialization and the disappearance of peripheral vision. Designed to increase efficiency and improve transfer of talent, information, and resources, they are instead killing the spirit of inquisitiveness, destroying intellectual curiosity, and digging a grave for Egypt's polymaths. Take for instance Al-Azhar, which without necessary testimony is an institution of remarkable repute and international acclaim, and one of the oldest academies in the world. Over the past 60 years, Al-Azhar has slowly relinquished its independence and become subservient to the state. With its work limited to reaffirming the priorities of the sitting government, the state's hegemony of Al-Azhar ensured its ability to guide religious jurisprudence was either severely hindered or effectively harmonious. Not long ago, an education at Al-Azhar was the most sought after by sons of the working class in the country's governorates. Because of the clout attributed to Azharite education in rural Egypt, hundreds of thousands migrated to Cairo over the past three generations to become seasoned in religious affairs and return to respectable jobs in their hometowns. Simultaneously over the past few decades and very much on the same grounds in the country's towns and villages, the Muslim Brotherhood developed its confessional and doctrinal platforms in the political, economic, and social realms, expanding their reach almost in parallel to Al-Azhar. The two have avoided confrontation, at least overtly, for much of the past few decades, with only occasional spats between the Supreme Guide and sheikh of Al-Azhar. Neither was prepared to throw the other under the bus, but both understood that they were on overlapping territory. Despite supporting their political adversaries, Al-Azhar avoided incriminating the Brotherhood entirely (although they were spectators as the former regimes harshly punished them). In return, the Brotherhood consciously decided not to undermine Al-Azhar in their working class strongholds. The January 25 uprising and the ensuing turmoil have left Al-Azhar utterly disoriented. With its ability to control its own institution hindered, Azharites have splintered with elements supporting the Brotherhood, others critical of both the Brotherhood and the Salafis, and others siding with the amorphous leftist nationalist revolutionary fronts. With Al-Azhar incapable of pulling its rank, the Brotherhood and Salafi groups filled the void by taking advantage of the institution's delayed and reluctant public statements and dwindling reach. As if punishment for their former collusion with the Mubarak regime, Al-Azhar is now being marginalized by the Brotherhood. Nowhere was this more glaring and startling as when Al-Azhar Grand Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayyeb was seated at the back of an auditorium for President Morsy's speech at Cairo University ahead of his swearing in. Al-Azhar's proud pontiff stormed out in defiance and displeasure. Al-Azhar's tug of war with the Brotherhood cuts across the breadth of the state infrastructure, the most recent being Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's choice of Salafi Sheikh Mohamed Yosri Ibrahim as minister of endowments, a choice Al-Azhar vehemently rejects. Having lost control of Islamic airwaves and the growing appeal of political Islamist parties not under Tayyeb's reign, Al-Azhar's fort looks weaker than ever. Even on the Constituent Assembly, Islamists negotiating with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and other political groups insisted that Al-Azhar's designated seats be considered among those of civil society not the Islamist current. So the marginalization of Al-Azhar has become systematic, perhaps to the positive effect of deinstitutionalizing its revered stature or demystifying religion, perhaps in egalitarianizing it, or maybe in shattering the blind acceptance that is so obdurate within it. However, there is every indication that what might replace Al-Azhar's religious reach will emulate its most undesirable qualities and ignore its most commendable. If the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafi groups prevail they are likely to reproduce Al-Azhar's hierarchy, already evident in their preexisting structure, while hastily and clumsily dismissing Al-Azhar's most redeemable quality - careful and studious scholarship on matters of faith and practice. As for the church, Al-Azhar's twin, there is no questioning that the institution is now bearing the brunt of its most misguided, albeit well-intentioned, decisions and actions over the past few decades. While its history of nationalistic commitment is luminous, it has however engineered, largely out of fear and clientalism, a near-absolute annexation of all aspects of private and public life for Egypt's Copts. Beyond the church's original task of spiritual guidance, it subsumed everything from their children's sporting activities to their secular celebrations. This was all done with the state's support and guidance. In the end, as far as Mubarak was concerned, no Coptic matter cannot be resolved by a single phone call to Pope Shenouda. So the state guaranteed Christians safety from the propped up perennial ghost, the Brotherhood, in exchange for unequivocal silence and blind obedience. This could only be delivered if the church had full and unchallenged control over the community, both politically and socially. And the church succeeded and delivered precisely that. Today, the times are changing as the church finds itself in the same predicament as Al-Azhar. It is literally bursting at the seams. While some Christians are fearful of the days ahead, opting to escape the country by any means, the vast majority are here to stay. They are vocalizing and actively participating in all aspects of public life. No longer passively agreeing to the church's representation of their political will or best interests, they ceased to be the same old unified front. Instead they act and engage as citizens. Their visibility is also at an all-time high. Nevertheless, the church remains, through its Millet Council and governance bodies, forceful in its intent to speak for the country's religious minority, something many Copts refuse. The most evident moment of defiance of the church was when the Coptic Maspero Youth Union chanted against Pope Shenouda for forgivingly hosting the SCAF's top brass after the 9 October 2011 massacre. For much of the last 18 months, the church has tried every tool at its disposal to bring such revolutionary Coptic groups under its wing, but to no avail. In the end, the patriarchy, like Al-Azhar, is at a crossroads. Neither seeking refuge with the military or siding with the Muslim Brotherhood is favorable. In the end, and despite the turbulence, Al-Azhar and the church will outlive this episode, each relying on their legacy, authority, and constituency. Al-Azhar will likely end up with the constitutionally-sanctioned last say on all Sharia-related matters and the church will continue to preside over Christian affairs, making them both mirror images of each other. The irony is that without exception, all parties in this Olympiad of constitutional and political competition over power and prestige (the SCAF, the Muslim Brotherhood, Salafis, Al-Azhar, the church, etc.) are embodiments of counterrevolution. They are counterrevolutionary in their classist schisms, rigid hierarchy, deification of authority, commitment to neoliberal economics, and admonishment of dissidence. Assuming all religious institutions are well meaning and benevolent, we still see how their love, affection, and care for their subjects have turned tutorship into sponsorship, protection into oppression, and guardianship into custody. For this reason, the late activist Mina Daniel and Azharite Sheikh Emad Eddin Effat, both killed while disobeying draconian decrees to avoid revolutionary struggle, represent critical dissenting currents. While Al-Azhar, the church, the Brotherhood and other deep organizations learn from their margins, there are little indications this is happening. It is not in the nature of paternalistic institutions to willfully forgo saintly patronage over "their" masses. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. A shorter version of this article was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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110 |
2012-08-16
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/eight-military-prisoners-pardoned-suez
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Eight individuals who were arrested in front of the Suez Police Department while protesting against the Abbasseya clashes googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); were pardoned on Thursday, said the Suez Freedom and Justice Party secretary Ahmed Mahmoud. The detainees, who were members of the Ultras football club, were charged with attacking military personnel and damaging public facilities. In July the Suez military court sentenced seven of the demonstrators to six months in jail, and the eighth was sentenced to three years for possession of fireworks. The No to Military Trials Campaign responded to the announcement by expressing its disappointment that activist Bassem Mohsen has not been pardoned. Activist and campaign member Mona Seif said that it was a "black comedy" that Mohsen, who was arrested while protesting against military trials, was not among the pardoned. "This position shows that there is bias against Mohsen for being a revolutionary who was not shaken in spite of what he had faced" when he was injured in Mohamed Mahmoud events of last November, Seif said. She stressed that the campaign members will continue to challenge Mohsen's two year prison sentence in court. "We consider any prisoner leaving military prisons as a victory, despite our sadness that they were not tried in front of a normal judge and that they already spent in prison," she said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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111 |
2012-09-05
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-storm-efa-protest-season-opening
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Members of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , a group of hardcore fans supporting Cairo's Ahly football team, stormed into the Egyptian Football Association headquarters on Wednesday, lit fireworks and threw Molotov cocktails, said Mohamed al-Mashta, legal adviser to the association. The ultras were protesting the EFA's decision to begin the football season retribution had been attained for their colleagues who died in the Port Said Stadium violence. In February, 74 Ahly fans were killed when Masry fans stormed the pitch in Port Said. Security forces were accused of failing to protect them. Edited translation from MENA
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112 |
2012-09-06
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/alexandria-security-says-cannot-secure-sunday-football-match
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The Alexandria Security Directorate said it would be unable to secure football matches at Borg al-Arab Stadium, after the interior and sports ministers made the decision to hold the first match of the Egyptian Super Cup there on Sunday, according to a report in the state-run Al-Ahram newspaper. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); No final decision on the match had been made as of Thursday night. Khaled Gharaba, head of the security directorate, has demanded that Egyptian Super Cup games - all of which are scheduled to be played at the Alexandria stadium - be called off, fearing a repeat of recent sports-related violence. The Ultras Ahlawy, a group Ahly Club supporters, stormed the headquarters of the Egyptian Football Association in Cairo Wednesday. They were protesting the league's decision to resume play before the perpetrators of a deadly stadium riot in Port Said this February are judged in court. Football association matches have been delayed since the Port Said Stadium violence, which left 74 dead and hundreds injured. Security bodies still worry that the threat of fans storming stadiums will make games difficult to secure. Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin and Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq held an emergency meeting with club representatives Thursday to discuss the directorate's stance on securing the games. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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113 |
2012-09-09
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-accuses-ministry-instigation-cancels-gathering
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The Ultras Ahlawy, an association of hardcore supporters of Egypt's leading football club, Ahly, have accused the Interior Ministry of plotting a clash between Bedouin tribes in Alexandria's Borg al-Arab area and its members who were planning to storm the stadium hosting a Super Cup match between their Premier League champion team and the Egypt Cup winner, ENPPI. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq had announced that the game would be played at Borg al-Arab Stadium on Sunday despite the tensions surrounding the event. Ahly fans had threatened to storm the pitch during the game to protest the resumption of football activity before prosecuting the perpetrators of the violence that followed a Premier League match between Ahly and Masry in Port Said Stadium in February and left 74 dead. The group said on its Facebook page Sunday that "the Interior Ministry has returned to its 'dirty' practices by playing Egyptians off against each other," adding that it possesses a recording of a phone call by an Interior Ministry official instigating the residents near the stadium against the ultras. The group also said it cancelled a gathering previously slated for Monday. Farouq decided on Saturday to postpone the beginning of the Premier League one month to 17 October instead of 17 September. Farouq's decision came after meeting with the heads of the clubs participating in the league and Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin, who stressed the need to postpone the season until stadiums can be properly secured according to the standards set by the public prosecution, Al-Masry Al-Youm reported. One of the club representatives who attended the meeting and declined to be named told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the Premier League is under threat of being canceled this year and that the postponement is one step toward the cancelation of the season. Last week, scores of Ultras Ahlawy members broke into the Egyptian Football Association's office in Cairo to protest the EFA's plans to start a new soccer season on 17 September.
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114 |
2012-09-09
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-first-football-match-port-said-goes-ahead-despite-protests
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The inaugural match of the Super Cup, between the Ahly and ENPI clubs, began at 9 pm on Sunday at Borg al-Arab stadium in Alexandria, despite protests from some football fans to cancel football matches until justice is attained for the victims of the Port Said Stadium violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); last February. The players arrived at the stadium an hour beforehand amid tight security. Alexandria security forces had earlier expressed reservations about their preparedness to secure the match. The match was set to begin at 8 pm, but local security said they would need one extra hour to secure it. Alexandria Governor Khaled Ghoraba had said the match would be played on time, but no spectators would be allowed in the vicinity of 6.5 kilometers from the stadium. Earlier Sunday, thousands of the Ultras Ahlawy, a group of hardcore Ahly Club football fans, marched to Borg al-Arab Stadium, where the match is set to be played, threatening to stop the match by force. President Mohamed Morsy's spokesperson said at a press conference earlier Sunday that the president was not responsible for deciding whether the match would be played. The match is the first official Egyptian football match since the Port Said Stadium violence in February. "It is up to the Sports Ministry to cancel or allow the match to be played," spokesperson Yasser Ali said. Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq insisted Saturday that the match would go ahead. He also criticized Ahly player Mohamed Abu Treika for refusing to play, in solidarity with the ultras. Early last February, 74 were killed and hundreds injured after fans of the local Port Said football team, Masry, stormed the field following a rare victory. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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115 |
2012-09-09
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-ultras-march-alexandria-stadium-sit-outside-players-hotel
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About 300 people marched Sunday to the Borg al-Arab stadium in Alexandria to protest a game scheduled there later in the day between Ahly and ENPI. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); By late afternoon, the Ultras Ahlawy had reached the hotel in Alexandria where players are staying and say that police and security inside the hotel outnumber them. The group has decided to camp in front of the hotel until the match kicks off. The ultras chanted, sometimes rhyming in Arabic: "Oppression is everywhere, we won't forget when we were slaves of the regime," "The Interior Ministry is made up of thugs" and "Fuck football." Plans to hold the game, which is part of the Super Cup, have stirred tensions after all football activities in Egypt were halted following the killings of 74 Ahly fans at a game in the coastal city of Port Said in February. Ahly fans and their supporters deem it unacceptable that football activity is resumed before the prosecution of the perpetrators of the massacre, which is pending a court case. Earlier today, the official Ahly fans group, Ultras Ahlawy, issued a statement accusing the Interior Ministry of instigating the local community of Borg al-Arab against them ahead of the game, in response to their plan to storm the stadium to stop the match. As a result, the group decided to cancel its planned gathering. However, informal gatherings of Ahly fans still grouped and started heading to the stadium, chanting, "No Super," in reference to the football match. On the way to the stadium, seven police trucks filled with policemen drove by the march giving the finger to the protesters, who replied with similar gestures. With ongoing tensions, and following an earlier break-in by Ultras Ahlawy members into the Egyptian Football Association office in Cairo to protest the plan to resume the season on 17 September, Sports Minister Al-Emary Farouq announced on Saturday that the season would be delayed until 17 October. Tensions between ultras and the police have been commonplace in recent years, predating the revolution.
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116 |
2012-09-10
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-ultras-teacher-uprisings-and-military-lawsuits
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Monday's papers focus their coverage on three main developments. Topping the news are the Ultras Ahlawy and their stand to prevent the convening of matches until justice is served in the trial of Port Said Stadium killings. Also capturing headlines are the dozens of lawsuits filed against Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi and former Armed Force Chief of Staff Sami Anan - the former top two members of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces - and an open-ended "teachers' uprising" due to commence today. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The hardcore football fans, known as ultras, have captured headlines in all daily papers today. Ultras Ahlawy staged minor protests outside the Borg al-Arab Stadium Sunday, where dozens of Ultras Ahlawy "Devils" called for the cancellation of Egypt's "Super Cup" matches until justice is served in the trial of those behind the killings of 74 football fans in Port Said in February. The ultra's demand for the cancellation of the "Super Cup" has been endorsed and supported by a number of different political parties and currents. In independent Al-Shorouk, the headline reads, "Ultras surround hotel housing the Ahly and ENPI teams" in Borg al-Arab, referring to their bid to cancel matches. Independent newspaper Al-Watan details police preparations in Alexandria: "Thirty divisions of the Central Security Forces deployed, along with police dogs and undercover officers, to secure the Super Match." Police forces had been placed on high alert ahead of these protests in Borg al-Arab, in apprehension of security concerns associated with the ultras' earlier threats regarding the storming of the football pitch to prevent the game from taking place. Ultras had claimed police forces were instigating locals against these hardcore football fans ahead of the match. According to Al-Shorouk, "Tribal leaders claim there was no coordination or agreement between them and the police regarding the presence of the ultras in their town." Also in Al-Shorouk, the Muslim Brotherhood's chief financier and deputy guide, Khairat al-Shater, "demands an apology from the Freedom and Justice" newspaper for publishing criticisms of the ultras in the mouthpiece of the Brotherhood's political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party. Independent Youm7 newspaper writes, "Shater attacks the Freedom and Justice paper due to its stance against Ahly fans." On his private Twitter account, Shater wrote, "Allowing the Super Cup matches in the name of safeguarding the state's stature is a manipulation of a rightful demand." The multimillionaire Islamist added, "Preserving the state's stature will be realized when the real perpetrators of the Port Said massacre are brought to justice." Shater called on Freedom and Justice to issue an apology to Ultras Ahlawy. However, the ultras did not seem to accept Shater's apology on behalf of the Brotherhood. According to the liberal opposition Al-Wafd newspaper, "Ultras league criticizes Shater's apology, describes it as being a sponge to soak up their anger." Backtracking his original comments published in the Freedom and Justice newspaper, Editor-in-Chief Adel al-Ansary writes an op-ed titled "Ultras are not to be blamed." Ansary's whitewashing article mentions that ultras were an integral part of the 25 January revolution and are an important revolutionary force. However, the he also points out that a few members of the ultras were involved in unwarranted acts of violence, including a previous attack on the Egyptian Football Federation. In related news, Ahly football team's star striker, Mohamed Abu Treika, has stood in solidarity the ultras' demands for a cancellation of the Super Cup matches until a just court verdict has been issued against those responsible for the killings of the 74 fans in the Port Said Stadium. According to Al-Watan, Abu Treika may thus be subjected to disciplinary actions for boycotting matches, including the docking of 20 percent of his annual income. Abu Treika earns an estimated LE5 million each year (over US$830,000). In other news, the SCAF's former top officers, Tantawi and Anan, are being pursued in the courts. Both are accused of killing dozens of peaceful protesters since the 25 January revolution, while the Anan is also being accused of corruption and financial irregularities. President Mohamed Morsy retired both Tantawi and Anan on 12 August, but he also decorated them with top medals and appointed them as presidential advisers. Al-Tahrir, an independent paper, writes, "Lawsuits start piling up against Tantawi and Anan." The article mentions that aside from the killings of peaceful protesters, assaults, virginity checks and more than 12,000 military trials against civilians have spurred these charges against the two generals. Anan is also being accused of illegally acquiring plots of land for real estate for private gains. These charges have been filed before the public prosecutor's office and military prosecutors. Al-Shorouk mentions that 26 such charges have been presented to military prosecutors, though prosecuting authorities have not yet taken action against either Tantawi or Anan. The April 6 Youth Movement activist group is among those filing complaints, along with various human rights groups. In other news, a "teachers' uprising" is due to start. Organized by independent teachers syndicates, this "second teachers' uprising" is scheduled to take place immediately before the beginning of the academic year. A similar action involving teachers' protests and strikes was held around the same time last year. "Teachers threaten to freeze the academic year," reads the top headline in party paper Al-Wafd. Al-Watan writes, "Following failure of negotiations with Morsy, 'Teachers' Second Uprising' launches today." Thousands of teachers have been demanding a monthly minimum wage of LE3,000 ($500) improved working and teaching conditions, an incremental pay raise system, additional public spending on education and the end of private tutoring lessons, among other demands. Dozens of teachers have been protesting in Nile Delta cities over the past couple of days in the run up to Monday's scheduled nationwide protests. Al-Watan also mentions that teachers' strikes will commence in Cairo, Alexandria and Port Said. In Cairo, an open-ended sit-in protest is to be held at the Saad Zaghloul Mausoleum, near Education Ministry. In other developments, the top headline in the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper reads, "Foreign-funded NGOs threatened national security and incited against the army and police." The article cites former Planning and International Cooperation Fayza Abouelnaga who claims that numerous American NGOs were illegally receiving funding without licenses. Abouelnaga's statements come as part of the ongoing investigations against 43 foreigners and Egyptians accused of receiving foreign funding for unlicensed NGOs. The trial has been adjourned until 2 October. The investigations and legal actions commenced in December of last year. During Sunday's court hearing, Abouelnaga claimed that these unlicensed NGOs "have unknown objectives." Despite this statement about their unknown objectives, the ex-minister then testified that "these NGOs sought to establish TV stations and shows, as well as establishing illegal organizations which threaten national security." Abouelnaga added that "there are recordings which point to US NGOs instigating locals against the army and police forces." In Al-Shorouk, Abouelnaga claims, "I have recordings of these NGOs which incite against the army and police." The former minister also claimed that 68 of these unlicensed NGOs received $US60 million in funding which was not registered with the Egyptian government. In Al-Ahram, Abouelnaga is quoted as saying that between February and May 2011, the US side "spent $105 million on projects for awareness raising and democratic reforms." Yet she claimed American NGOs vied to instigate Egyptian youth against the security forces to protest the state and to attack its institutions. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned
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117 |
2012-09-11
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-thousands-protest-us-embassy-0
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The number of protesters outside the US embassy in Cairo began to decrease Tuesday night after thousands had gathered earlier to protest a film they said was being produced in the United States that insults the Prophet Mohamed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Ultras, hardcore football fans, have joined the protest, banging drums, setting off fireworks and insulting the Central Security Forces soldiers stationed around the embassy. Earlier, around 5,000 people chanted against the US and President Barack Obama, declaring that they are willing to give their lives to avenge the dignity of their prophet. Some protesters scaled the embassy walls and tore down the American flag, which they told Egypt Independent they burned. The demonstrators set up a ladder behind the wall and flew a black flag with the words "There is no god but Allah and Mohamed is his messenger." Protesters say there has been no violence. AFP reported that police intervened without force and persuaded protesters to come down from the embassy walls. Protesters spraypainted the Islamic declaration of faith on the embassy's outer wall. The shahada was also spraypainted on the embassy's entrance, along with "Bin Laden," and demonstrators hung up the Egyptian flag. Mohamed al-Deeb, a 20-year-old university student, was provoked to take part in the protest after seeing clips of the film in which the Prophet Mohamed is portrayed as homosexual and misconceptions about Islam are spread. "What angered us is the insult to the Prophet and the lack of response from the state," Deeb said. "We are always peaceful and we do not want to escalate, but if the film is shown, we will." Protesters told Egypt Independent that they want the US ambassador to be expelled, for the film not to be shown in the US, and for Egyptians involved in the making of the film to have their citizenship revoked. "Just like the US always complains that its national security is in danger, we feel that our spiritual security is in danger by having something that is holy to us insulted," said protester Wahid Younis. "We want the US to take action against this film to end this sit-in." A US embassy official had no immediate comment on the protesters' actions but the embassy had put out a statement earlier on Tuesday condemning those who hurt the religious feelings of Muslims or followers of any other religions, Reuters reported. "We firmly reject the actions by those who abuse the universal right of free speech to hurt the religious beliefs of others," the embassy said in its statement.
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118 |
2012-09-13
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/prophet-film-clashes-continue-near-tahrir-outrage-and-firebombs
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Protesters ripped the doors off a police car, as they pushed it toward the line of black-clad Central Security Forces officers guarding the road leading to the US Embassy in Cairo. From 100 meters away, they advanced, throwing rocks, until the crowd was perhaps a dozen meters away from the CSF line. Protesters set the car on fire next to the Omar Makram Mosque, and black smoke billowed into the air, obscuring part of the CSF lines from view. Tear gas canisters volleyed through the black smoke, and protesters were driven back. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The exchange was just one episode in ongoing clashes which started late last night and have continued unabated, as protesters angry at a film which they say insults the Prophet Mohamed seek to make their way to the US Embassy, which is less than 250 meters from Tahrir Square. Early in the afternoon, 30 to 40 people, mostly men aged from their mid-teens to mid-twenties, were directly taking part in the fighting. Petrol bombs were occasionally thrown by the protesters. Both sides threw rocks, and protesters picked up burning hot tear gas canisters, and lobbed them back toward security services. Protesters and CSF troops alternately chased each other up and down the road between the Omar Makram Mosque and the Mugamma, a huge, brutalist government building which sits on the south side of Tahrir Square. A hundred protesters milled around those directly involved in the fighting, in the road by the Omar Makram Mosque, close to the fighting, yet not actively involved. And further back still, hundreds more were standing in the south of the square, venting their anger over the amateurish film, apparently made by anti-Islam activists, which depicts the Prophet Mohamed as a gay, wine-drinking fraud. Earlier in the day, reports on social media had identified most of those clashing with CSF as "ultras," organized hardcore football fans, who have been a fixture in Cairo street battles since the beginning of last year. But by mid-afternoon, the composition of the crowd was diverse. Egypt Independent found only one person identifying as an ultra, and saw few people wearing the beards and dress typical of Salafis, conservative, or orthodox Islamists. "I am here as an individual," said Hussam, 27. "Perhaps there are some ultras here, but it's as individuals. We feel humiliated. We can't believe the CSF are protecting them while they do these things." One 21 year old protester said he was a member of the April 6 Youth Movement, but present as an individual, not as a member of that organization. Mahmoud Sayed, 69, who works for the Ministry of Heath, expressed what appeared to be a common demand amongst protesters. "The ambassador has to be expelled," he said. "All we want is that, we don't want to kill him like they did in Libya." Islam, 19, a student, agreed with Sayed's demand. "Our government, which we elected, has to bring us our rights. If they don't do this, we have to do it ourselves. They want us to fight and die for it, apparently," he said. Among protesters interviewed by Egypt Independent, there was a palpable sense of humiliation, as if the film was felt to represent an infringement of their dignity. Many saw the film as just one among a litany of humiliations which Muslims had suffered at the hands of Western governments. As the call to prayer issued from the mosque around 3:20, the crowd, as if spontaneously, lifted their arms to call for a moment of peace. For twenty seconds, no rocks flew. Then, the clashes resumed. By 4 pm on Thursday, heavy tear gas pushed protesters back from the Omar Makram Mosque, all the way to Mohammed Mahmoud Street. White tear gas vapor steamed from canisters in Tahrir Square.
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119 |
2012-09-13
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-against-film-clash-police-tahrir
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A protest against a film deemed offensive to the Prophet Mohamed turned violent as clashes erupted between demonstrators and police in the early hours of Thursday in Tahrir Square. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police vehicles fired tear gas at protesters who were banging stones on metal to make noise. Stones were hurled from both sides. An anonymous protester said he demands that the US ambassador to Egypt be expelled and measures against the screening of the film be taken. Protesters chanted a mix of anti-police songs commonly sung by football fans, the ultras, and religious slogans for the Prophet Mohamed. "I am here to defend the prophet and to protest the security men who are Muslims and yet preventing me from letting my voice be heard. Nothing has changed under [President Mohamed] Morsy. The revolution will prevail," said protester Abdallah al-Masry, 27, of the Movement of the Revolutionaries of the Egyptian Street. Egypt Independent saw two police cars burning during the clashes, following which protesters were seen surrounded by police officers. The protests on Thursday follow a round of demonstrations on Tuesday outside the American Embassy in Cairo, when the US flag was replaced with an Islamic flag bearing the words, "No god but Allah." Morsy called on the Egyptian Embassy in the US to take action against the movie, while the Muslim Brotherhood called for protests on Friday. The film, entitled "Innocence of Muslims," flashes between the present and the past, portraying the life of Christians under Islamic rule and the early days of Prophet Mohamed's leadership. The film was promoted by the controversial American priest Terry Jones, whose name is associated with the calls to burn the Quran in 2010, as well as some members of the Coptic diaspora in the US.
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120 |
2012-09-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-assault-ahly-club-players-demanding-port-said-trial-verdict
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Some 200 hardcore football fans assaulted Ahly Club players as they trained at the Nasr City branch Sunday, while thousands of other protesters surrounded the club outside. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The fans, known as ultras, were demanding justice for those killed in violence at Port Said Stadium in February, when 74 were killed and hundreds more were injured after Ahly lost to the local Masry Club. Their assault on the players expressed frustration that most of them have decided to play this season. The protesters oppose the football season beginning without a verdict in the Port Said trial. Two weeks ago, the ultras threatened to storm Borg al-Arab Stadium in Alexandria, where the opening match of the Super Cup was played between Ahly and ENPI clubs. However, police managed to keep them away. Before the match, some press reports on social media websites said that the Interior Ministry had asked nearby residents to chase away the ultras. This never happened, and the Interior Ministry denied the reports. The ultras, historically suspicious of the Interior Ministry, accuse police of complicity in the Port Said Stadium violence, especially since investigations into the incident revealed that security leaders had been informed that clashes would take place but allowed the match to be played anyway. The hardcore fans also blame the Ahly Club Board of Directors for failing to provide adequate legal assistance to the families of the victims. The Port Said Criminal Court previously rejected a request submitted by lawyers of the victims' families to change the court that was considering the case, which they deemed sluggish in its duties.
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121 |
2012-09-25
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-storm-media-production-city
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Hundreds of Ahly football club ultras on Tuesday stormed Media Production City vandalizing the offices of Modern Sport channel who had recently aired criticism of the ultras, hardcore football fans. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Both the Ahly and Zamalek ultras demand the termination of sport activities until those responsible for the Port Said Stadium violence are brought to trial. On 1 February, 74 Ahly fans lost their lives after a game at Port Said Stadium. Videos of the incident showed the police officers assigned to protect the stadium standing idly by when the attacks took place. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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122 |
2012-09-29
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/virus-spreading-safarkhan-s-next-show-takes-them-out-their-comfort-zone
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Ganzeer has been pretty much living in googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Safarkhan gallery since 7 September. First he was hanging wooden panels of varying shapes and sizes on the walls of the ground floor, then he started painting on them. Egypt Independent visited last weekend, when there were 10 days left until the opening of his show, "The Virus is Spreading." There were already big splashes of bright color and larger-than-life figures, full of both references to his previous work and his trademark sarcasm, brash and political. One of the central elements in "The Virus is Spreading" is a cat, representing Egyptians. "They've had it rough. They were dieties and now they're scavenging for chicken skins," he explains. "The status of the cat and the people go hand in hand." A bandaged, haloed cat painted on a panel, one of the first things you see when you walk in, is accompanied by the words (in Arabic) "One day they kick me, then they turn me into hawawshi. It looks like they've forgotten my importance but I'm going to do the right thing. I won't let them kill me. I'm going to stay alive, not for me but for them." Safarkhan is a small old-school commercial gallery in the upmarket neighborhood of Zamalek. Ganzeer is the nom de guerre of Mohamed Fahmy, a young energetic multifaceted artist whose production spans various media and disciplines from graphic design to writing to street art. Although already a seasoned art maker, his international renown increased dramatically when he made some pioneering revolution-related graffiti in 2011. His work is ideological and to a certain extent site-specific. In this case, the exhibition is an installation -- or the embodiment of an idea. Downstairs the "counterculture" is represented by the Egyptian street, with imagery spilling off panels onto the wall and ripped posters Raymond Hains style. Upstairs, the establishment is represented by the kind of old-school hang that normally characterizes Safarkhan shows: individual paintings on white walls. Within this simple symbolic dichotomy he has set up, Ganzeer has given himself space to improvise. He is joining a long line of artists who have attempted to recreate the impression of something that is not art in a gallery. As with a lot of installation art, this work will have an emphasis on the viewer's presence in the space, and Ganzeer wants it to be like a cinema or theater experience. But while installation work often emphasizes the importance of each audience member's subjective experience, here the message will be quite unambiguous. And while installation art has historically tended to work against the market, being ephemeral and wholly site-specific, in this exhibition the individual parts will be for sale -- so you might end up with a shoulder or single word from the show on your living room wall. Ganzeer says he wants the work downstairs to recreate the "overstimulation you get on the street" -- and is thus using various styles and media from paint and marker pen to collage -- but he is clear that the work is not meant to be street art. Indeed, the installation is almost entirely created by Ganzeer himself and doesn't incorporate found objects or the work of other street artists - though he is letting visiting friends tag the walls. The ripped posters are nearly all his own (including one from his first solo show, "Everyday Heroes," at the Townhouse Gallery in 2007). And his work is undeniably artier than that say, of the Ultras - the hardcore football fans who have created a lot of protest graffiti since the 25 January revolution, some very naive looking, some more sophisticated. So "The Virus is Spreading" presents a fantasy version of the street, in keeping with Ganzeer's interest in comics, his creation of fake advertisements, his imagining of unlikely situations in order to shed light on reality. "I was getting bored," says Mona Said, who co-runs the gallery with her mother Sherwet Shafie. She says this show -- moving away from more traditional painting shows -- is part of a new direction for the gallery, motivated in part by seeing some great work by young artists from the Gulf. "Mona approached me and said she wanted something cool," Ganzeer says, explaining that he thought of the concept for the exhibition after her invitation. In terms of audience, he says he wants to both introduce something new to Safarkhan's art buying crowd, and introduce a new crowd to this gallery -- including school kids and university students. Ganzeer never underwent any formal art education, but did a business degree at Banha University, which he says was quite useless. He learned to draw from "How to Draw Comics the Marvel Way" by Stan Lee and John Buscema, which he says was great. Regardless, he has developed a distinctive style for making art that is much in demand. Political concerns are always at the forefront of the work, and his subjects vary according to where he is making it - a piece made in Frankfurt in April featured child soldiers wielding machine guns made of euro notes. While he has been super-active in Egypt, he often also makes work in support of cultural practitioners elsewhere, like Nour Hatem Zahra, the "Spray Man" killed by Syrian security in April, and Pussy Riot. His work is often anti-military -- all militaries. He also organizes a lot of things, such as a zine, a map of Cairo's graffiti, a graffiti week and a space in an empty shop in downtown, where art will be nearly on the street (to open early 2013). "The Virus is Spreading" looks like it will be fun, exuberant, graphic and angry -- a good combination for right now. And somehow, I think it will offer some optimism on the state of Egypt's ongoing revolution. "The Virus is Spreading" opens at Safar Khan gallery on 1 October at 6.30 pm and will run until 1 November.
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123 |
2012-10-01
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-tuesday-against-football-season
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The leaders of the Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , the hardcore fan group for Cairo's Ahly football club, announced plans to hold a protest in front of the Sports Ministry Tuesday against the Premier League football season. The ultras' call comes in response to a demonstration staged by former and current footballers and media personalities on Monday demanding that sports activity be resumed following a months-long hiatus after the Port Said massacre. According to state-run newspaper Al-Ahram, former Ahly goalkeeper Ahmed Shobeir organized and led the protest in front of the Sports Ministry on Monday. Shobeir is a former member of the dissolved National Democratic Party. On 1 February, 74 people were killed and hundreds injured when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. Ahly fans and their supporters say it is unacceptable that the football season resume before the perpetrators of the massacre are punished. The Port Said Criminal Court is currently hearing a case in which 75 people are charged with responsibility for the deaths, including the former head of security in Port Said, three of his aides, police officers who were working security at the match, and some Masry Club fans. In a statement on Facebook, the Ultras Ahlawy invited its members as well as any Egyptian who supports their cause to gather in front of the Tarsana Club in Mohandiseen Tuesday to march to the Sports Ministry, where they will begin protesting at noon to reject the return of Premier League games until the trial is over and to demand corruption be purged from the sports sector. The group noted that they have no problem with lower football divisions holding games and only call for the postponement of the Premier League season. "Sports activity will not be resumed, especially the Premier League, regardless of pressure, until retribution has been achieved," one of the group's leaders said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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124 |
2012-10-04
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-ministry-ready-secure-football-matches
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The Interior Ministry googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); is ready to provide security for the football league matches that are scheduled to begin on 17 October, an official security source said on Thursday. The ministry said the league could resume play following the implementation of certain specified security and safety requirements at all stadiums. Sporting clubs suffered great losses when the league's activities were stopped last year following the Port Said stadium massacre that took the lives of 74 Ahly fans, known as ultras. Egyptian courts are still trying 73 defendants in the case. The Ahly Club Ultras oppose resuming play before those responsible for the massacre are punished, and have interrupted the team's training sessions several times. Edited translation from MENA
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125 |
2012-10-07
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-it-s-all-about-100-days
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Readers will find it difficult to judge the performance of President Mohamed Morsy, as Sunday's newspapers seem to report on almost two different people. While state-owned and some party-affiliated newspapers mark Morsy's "historic" speech, other private newspapers see a poor performance by the Muslim Brotherhood-backed president in his first 100 days. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); State-owned Al-Ahram quotes Morsy's promise in the speech with its big, bold-centered headline, "I will lead the people to a real renaissance," reminiscent of the way it reported on ousted President Hosni Mubarak's speeches. Describing Saturday's celebration of the 6th of October War's 39th anniversary, Al-Ahram says it was both official and public. Morsy addressed the nation in a two hour-long speech in Cairo Stadium under the slogan, "The people build and the army protects." The mouthpiece of the Freedom and Justice Party surprisingly does not describe Morsy's speech as historic. Yet, the paper describes the celebration's crowd of attendees as "extremely large," including the "Ultras Brotherhood" who raised some slogans to express their happiness over a 39-year-old victory and promising liberation of the Gaza Strip soon. The paper describes the celebration's atmosphere as being "family-oriented" as families from governorates all over the country flocked into the Cairo Stadium to celebrate the anniversary with the first democratically elected Egyptian president. State-run Rose al-Youssef quotes Morsy in a brighter remark with a big red headline instead: "We kiss the heads of all of those who participated in October's War." The state-owned daily quotes Morsy's rejection of usury in reference to the IMF loan. Bank loans are rejected by Sharia due to its interest-based system, which is considered usury. The paper also highlights Morsy's references to what he called a "success" in his 100-day program, as he claimed to have solved 70 percent of security problems, 85 percent of energy shortages, 80 percent of the bread crisis, 40 percent of street cleanliness issues, and 60 percent of the traffic problem. Other newspapers believe otherwise. Under a headline that reads "Morsy in 100 days," the privately-owned Al-Tahrir newspaper tracks Morsy's performance with some shocking numbers. The paper, known to be highly critical of Morsy and the Brotherhood, says that Morsy has made 29 decisions, none of which are in favor of the poor. The paper also counts what sites Morsy has visited nationally and internationally. He has visited, according to the paper, 12 mosques, eight Arab, African, and European countries, and only four Egyptian governorates. The paper continues the accounting of Morsy's activities: 51 speeches at a rate of one speech per two days, totaling in 30 hours of talk. The paper questions Morsy's tendency to address only American newspapers, and the fact that all his TV interviews were pre-recorded. Unlike Freedom and Justice, Al-Tahrir reports that the atmosphere in Cairo Stadium prior to the celebration was Brotherhood-dominated. The paper alleges that Brotherhood youth were controlling the entrances and exits of the stadium and that police forces were only protecting the president. The paper also claims that the Brotherhood mobilized tens of thousands to attend the celebration, describing the process through which the attendees were escorted to the stadium. In a headline questioning what the president did in 100 days, partisan Al-Wafd newspaper discusses issues that did not appear in Morsy's speech. The paper focuses on long term issues like education, poverty and health problems, and says that Morsy has failed to address them. The newspaper says the poor are selling their children and committing suicide due to extreme poverty amid alleged government austerity measures and subsidy cuts. The paper also slams an alleged "Brotherhoodization of school curriculum," as well as limited educational opportunities and deteriorating school conditions. The paper describes the health sector as needing "intensive care," as more poor sick Egyptians are dying due to the lack of a proper health insurance system. The paper also says that 1.5 million minors labor in difficult working conditions, referring to a study conducted by the National Council of Motherhood and Childhood. The study also claims that 92 percent of Egyptian children suffer from stunted growth due to lack of proper nutrition. Privately-owned newspaper Youm7 refers to a poll conducted by the New World Foundation for Development and Human Rights that shows 49 percent dissatisfaction with Morsy's performance during his first 100 days, while 34 percent of respondents said they were satisfied and almost 17 percent were undecided. Those unsatisfied criticized Morsy's inability to find quick solutions to society's urgent needs, as well as his failure to address the major issues mentioned in his 100-day program. Those satisfied said that security and traffic issues have improved. The poll was conducted on 300 citizens from different ages and occupations, with no further details on their socioeconomic backgrounds. In a satirical op-ed in Al-Tahrir, activist Nawara Negm follows tradition and slams Morsy's performance in his first 100 days. Negm, heavily critical of the Brotherhood, says the people did not ask Morsy to create a program for the 100 days of his rule, but rather Morsy committed himself to fulfill promises to the people in the first days of his presidency. Negm reminds Morsy of an on-air promise he made to a woman named Wafaa, the mother of a martyr, saying that Wafaa and hundreds of martyrs' mothers are still waiting for justice to no avail. She also criticizes his failure to clean up streets as well as the police force's failure to deal with the traffic problem. She refers to continuing allegations of torture and human rights violations inside police stations, an echo of Mubarak-era practices. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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126 |
2012-10-10
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-storm-club-demand-dismissal-chairman
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A large number of Ultras Ahlawy on Wednesday stormed the Ahly club and demanded that Chairman Hassan Hamdy resign for tarnishing the club's reputation. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Around 200 ultras participated. They did not commit any acts of violence, and stressed that they just came to deliver a message. The Illicit Gains Authority interrogated Hamdy on Tuesday over accusations that he amassed wealth unlawfully during his tenure as director of Ahram Advertising Agency. The authority released him on bail of LE2 million pending investigations after he failed to prove the legality of his fortune. The authority also decided to ban Hamdy from leaving the country and freeze his assets. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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127 |
2012-10-11
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-federation-elects-new-chief
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Gamal Allam won the presidency of the Egyptian Football Federation elections. He is set to head the organization for the next four years. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Primary vote counting indicated Thursday that Allam would win by 22 votes more than his competitor, former football player Osama Khalil. Early results also suggest that candidates running on the same list as Allam for other positions in the federation are favored to win. Allam said his first move as federation chief would be to discuss the resumption of the Egyptian Premier League, in a statement made to Al-Masry Al-Youm. He also said he intends to turn a new page with the Ultras. The state-owned newspaper Al-Ahram had reported a few hours ago that the Ultras Ahlawy were marching to the presidential palace to demand the suspension of the league before retribution for the victims of the Port Said Stadium massacre is attained. Former Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri dismissed former federation head Samir Zaher, following the Port Said violence that took the lives of 74 football fans in February. Protesters and activists also accused the Interior Ministry of failing to secure the match. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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128 |
2012-10-12
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-microbuses-set-ablaze-near-tahrir-brotherhood-members-chased-square
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An anti-Brotherhood vibe prevailed in Tahrir Square on Friday evening, following clashes between members of the group and other protesters throughout the day. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters in the square appear to have driven out the Muslim Brotherhood youth with whom they had been fighting throughout the day, eyewitnesses reported. As protesters chased the Brotherhood members from the square, they chanted, "We will continue the path as free revolutionaries, we will continue the path as free revolutionaries." Two microbuses used earlier to transfer MB members to the square were set ablaze, sending smoke all over the Egyptian Museum area. Protesters took pictures of the burning buses, while chanting anti-Brotherhood slogans. Rock throwing battles and protests had continued into Friday evening in and around Tahrir Square after a day of intermittent skirmishes. Witnesses report seeing fighting and clashes on every street leading into the square, while the police or security forces never appeared on the scene. The fighting marks a dramatic pro-Brotherhood, anti-Brotherhood polarization. Anti-President Mohamed Morsy protesters were chanting "Sell the revolution, Badie (the Muslim Brotherhood supreme guide)," or the occasional "Fuck Morsy," while members of the Freedom and Justice Party chanted, "There are men behind Morsy." Others chanted slogans related to the recent Battle of the Camel verdict, where all defendants were acquitted and families of the martyrs shouted slogans calling for the toppling of the regime, apparently a suggestion that the ousted Mubarak regime is still ruling the country. They also chanted "People want to purge the judiciary." A wounded young man was seen being severely beaten and dragged into the square by other protesters. Occasionally one group of protesters would charge at another, causing widespread confusion and chaos. Eyewitnesses reported that in the midst of rock throwing battes, they were often unsure of where the rocks were coming from, or who the other protesters were targeting. One middle-aged man told Egypt Independent that he couldn't understand what was happening, and that the fighting must stop; when a rock hit his arm, however, he then joined in the rock throwing. Another young protester told Egypt Independent that the situation is extremely chaotic, stating, "When you throw a rock, does it know who is a Muslim Brother and who isn't?" Earlier this afternoon witnesses reported that the Muslim Brotherhood removed its stage from Tahrir Square, claiming that they were insulted during the Friday prayers. Several protests with different aims occupied the square today. The "Judgement Day" was originally organized to protest what leftist activists call Morsy's poor performance in his first 100 days in office as well as the Constituent Assembly, but Islamists were also protesting Wednesday's verdict in the Battle of the Camel case, which saw 24 former Mubarak regime figures acquitted of all charges. The political differences between the groups of protesters led to waves of scuffles between opposing groups. Earlier today the Ministry of Health had reported a total of 12 injured, but early this evening Mohamed Sultan, head of the Egyptian Ambulance Authority, said in a statement that the number of injured transferred to Mounira Hospital had risen to 19 by the late afternoon. Injuries included incision wounds to the face and the head as a result of being hit by stones. Sultan said he expects the number of injured to increase throughout the evening. The authority stationed 42 ambulances around the square. Head of Mounira Public Hospital Mohamed Shawky described the case of protester Ahmed Omar Abdel Elsamad, 37, who was admitted with a serious injury to his eye. The other cases have been treated for minor injuries and discharged, he said. Earlier this afternoon, fistfights broke out between Muslim Brotherhood youth and members of the Constitution Party and the Popular Current Party at Al-Istiqama Mosque in Giza Square, after pro-Morsy demonstrators chanted slogans to disrupt the chants of the anti-Morsy protesters. The anti-Brotherhood protesters chanted, "Down with the supreme guide rule," accusing the Brotherhood's leader of betraying the revolution. The Brotherhood youth responded by chanting, "We dismissed the public prosecutor, go see what you can do with the judiciary," calling their rivals "traitors and spies." The Brotherhood youth raised their shoes against their opponents, which then sparked scuffles that were broken up by other protesters. A march then left from the mosque to Tahrir Square, led by the Constitution Party, the Popular Current and the April 6 Movement, and joined en route by hundreds of Cairo University students. Around the same time, another march left a Dokki neighborhood in Giza for Tahrir, joining members of the April 6 Youth Movement, the National Association for Change and other political forces. The demonstrators chanted slogans against Morsy's Renaissance Project, calling it fake. "Oh Mubarak you can rest, Morsy will continue the path," and "Bread, freedom, dissolving the Constituent Assembly," the protesters chanted. Minor clashes between protesters began earlier in the day, when members of the Revolutionary Socialists group tried to prevent Brotherhood members from entering the square via Mohamed Mahmoud Street as they chanted slogans in support of Morsy. The two groups threw rocks at each other until other protesters seperated them. A mass of Brotherhood members then assembled at the Mohamed Mahmoud entrance to Tahrir and, in turn, blocked their opponents from coming back into the square. During his Friday prayer sermon today, Omar Makram Mosque imam Mazhar Shahien called on his congregation to break up the ongoing clashes between pro and anti-Morsy protesters. Also this afternoon, satellite TV channel Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr showed protesters dismantling the stage set up in the square which they claim belongs to the Popular Current party recently established by former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi. This was the second time today the stage was attacked. One of the vandalizers spoke to the channel, justifying the attack by saying that people on the stage had been shouting anti-Morsy slogans, but today's protests were supposed to be against the Battle of the Camel acquittals. Hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood members from across the nation streamed into Tahrir Square starting in the early afternoon. Buses and microbuses coming from different governorates lined up near the square, while Brotherhood youth stood guard at its entrances. At the end of Friday prayers, a march kicked off from Omar Makram Mosque to the square. The protesters chanted slogans such as, "We either bring their rights or die just like them," "Retribution, retribution, our brothers were shot dead," and "Say it, don't be afraid, the general prosecutor must leave." They also raised banners reading, "Where is Sharia, where is religion?" and "Where is the right of the martyr?" The anti-Morsy protesters had already begun to assemble in Tahrir at 9 am on Friday. Anti-Muslim Brotherhood banners declaring the protesters' demands were hung in the middle of the square and several street vendors also began to gather there, but traffic was not disrupted. Wafd Party members raised a banner that read "The people want a Constituent Assembly that belongs to the revolution, a revolutionary constitution. Egypt is for all; the majority changes, while the constitution remains. We want a Constituent assembly that represents all segments of the nation." Other banners read: "Morsy's achievements: accumulated garbage, begging to the IMF [International Monetary Fund] and the United States, acquittal of all revolutionaries' murderers ... Brotherhoodizing armed forces, police and state institutions ... You are only the president of the group." "A stage was prepared in front of the tourism offices and a statement on the objectives of Judgement Day was distributed. The president was supposed to be reflective of the will of the revolution, but the final outcome for his 100-day plan was shameful. We are on the verge of reproducing the Mubarak regime," said Mohamed Arnab, secretary general of Wafd Party's youth committee in Cairo. The stage belongs to Mahrousa Youth Movement, the Coalition of Revolutionary Forces, the Karama Party, the Wafd Party youth, the Revolutionary Socialists, the National Front for Peaceful Change, the Second Revolution of Anger and the Popular Conference Party, said Arnab. The demonstrations in Cairo and across the governorates were organized against Wednesday's acquittal of all the defendants in the Battle of the Camel case, the new constitution being drafted by the Constituent Assembly, and the perceived failure of President Mohamed Morsy's 100-day plan. The Union of Revolutionary Youth first launched the call to demonstrate against Morsy's 100-day platform in September. In addition, the union called for protests demanding the dissolution and reformation of the Constituent Assembly and justice for the martyrs and protesters injured during and after the January 2011 revolution. The union soon won the support of the National Association for Change, the Constitution Party, the Egyptian Democratic Social Party, the Tagammu Party and others. The Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafi-oriented Nour Party and Salafi Front joined the protests to denounce the Battle of the Camel case acquittals. Former officials from ousted President Hosni Mubarak's regime had been accused of inciting the killing protesters in Tahrir Square when thugs mounted on camels and horses attacked protesters on 2 February 2011, killing dozens. The Ultras Ahlawy also said they would stage a march on Friday to the presidential palace in Heliopolis to demand that all football activity in Egypt be halted until justice was won for those killed in the Port Said Stadium massacre last February. They also called for the dismissal of corrupt leaders in the football leagues and federations. Leftist leader Kamal Khalil told Al-Masry Al-Youm that by joining the protests against the Battle of the Camel ruling, the Brotherhood was simply trying to divert attention away from protests against the new constitution. "The Brotherhood is the ruling authority now, they were the ones who called for a reconciliation with former regime symbols ... and now they are calling for retribution?" Khalil said. Other demands from protesters today include setting the minimum wage at LE1,200, reversing the Morsy administration's decision to end government subsidies on essential commodities, eliminating corruption in state institutions and putting an end to the country's dependence on foreign aid and loans.
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129 |
2012-10-19
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-marches-arrive-tahrir-number-protesters-grows
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The number of protesters in Tahrir Square swelled into the hundreds on Friday afternoon as marches arrived in the square from various districts in Cairo. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters are demonstrating against the Muslim Brotherhood and its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party. Liberals, leftist and revolutionary figures are calling the day of protests "Egypt for all Egyptians." Demonstrators chanted slogans such as, "Down with the rule of the supreme guide," and raised banners reading "Bread, freedom, dissolving the Constituent Assembly." During the march to Tahrir from Mohandiseen, minor clashes took place between the April 6 Youth Movement and members of Amr Moussa's Conference Party. Quarrels took place also between protesters participating in a march coming from Shubra district and a number of the Muslim Brotherhood. The marches began at the end of Friday prayers. The satellite TV channel Al-Jazeera Mubasher Misr showed footage of a march entering Tahrir from Talaat Harb Street. Protesters chanted, "Sell the revolution Badie," referring to the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide. Other activists standing on a stage in the square announced that the Ultras Ahlawy would also be marching to join them. Marches began Shubra, Sayeda Zeinab and Mohandiseen. Activist Ahmed Harara and Emad Abo Ghazi, a Constitution Party leader and the former minister of culture, both joined the march from Subra. Dozens already began arriving in the square early on Friday morning. Members of the Constitution Party set up a stage in the square with a banner reading, "No to the hegemony of the Constituent Assembly." Other banners in the square read, "We want the constitution to be for all Egyptians," and "From Tahrir we say 'No' to the constitution tailors." Ambulances lined up at the entrances to the square in anticipation of any emergency events. The protesters' demands include the dissolution of the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated Constituent Assembly, the rejection of the final draft of the new constitution, the establishment of a minimum and maximum wage, an end to high prices, the retrial of the acquitted killers of the martyrs of the revolution, the recovery of funds smuggled abroad by former regime officials, and the elimination of corruption in state institutions. Seven marches were planned from different locations in the greater Cairo area to Tahrir Square throughout the day, in addition to demonstrations in several governorates where clashes that took place last Friday between leftist and Brotherhood forces during a day of protests criticizing President Mohamed Morsy's first 100 days in office. Participants in today's marches call for an apology from the Muslim Brotherhood for last week's clashes. Thirty parties and political movements announced participation in today's protests, including the Constitution Party, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, the Popular Socialist Alliance, the Revolutionary Youth Union, the April 6 Youth Movement and the Kefaya Movement. Amr Moussa and Hamdeen Sabbahi both stated that they would be marching today. The National Association for Change announced participation as well, and called on participants not to respond to any provocation, so as to keep the protests peaceful. The April 6 Youth Movement has called for a consensual constitution. The movement demanded an apology from the Muslim Brotherhood and called on Morsy to hold the group responsible for Friday 12 October clashes.
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130 |
2012-10-21
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-clash-over-attempt-block-match-nigeria-s-sunshine-team
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Security forces increased their presence at the Baron Hotel in Heliopolis on Sunday after supporters and opponents of resuming Egyptian Football Association games clashed outside the hotel. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Earlier in the day, two workers associated with the domestic football league marched to the hotel to prevent Nigeria's Sunshine Stars Club from traveling to a semi-final match of the CAF Champions League with Egypt's leading team, Ahly. The workers acted in an attempt to force a resumption of domestic football play, which has been almost entirely suspended since a bloody incident at a match in Port Said earlier this year. The match is due to begin at 7:30 pm Cairo local time. At around 7 pm, the bus supporting the Nigerian team was seen leaving the Baron Hotel for the stadium. The football association workers clashed with members of Ultra Ahlawy, a group of hardcore fans of Ahly Club. The ultras have held frequent public protests against resuming play in the domestic Egyptian Premier League since 74 Ahly fans were killed in a domestic match in Port Said on 1 February. The ultras demand that a verdict be issued for the 75 people being tried in criminal court over that incident before domestic games resume. Observers say around 3 million people make a living from the games played in the local league. Only one Egyptian Football Association game has been played this year due to delay from ultra protests. The Ultras Ahlawy protesting do not oppose the Sunshine-Ahly match, which is regional and thus not associated with the domestic league. The domestic football association workers attempted to obstruct the game in an attempt to draw attention to their own plight, and in doing so drew a reaction from the devoted Ahly supporters. After the football workers' demonstration, Ahly ultras went to the Baron Hotel vowing to protect the Sunshine players. They said the match should be played, as it for a regional championship. The Facebook page for the Ultra Ahlawy had called on members to go to the hotel to enable Sunshine players to travel to the stadium, and reported that police had fired live ammunition into the air at the demonstration.
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131 |
2012-10-31
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/unresolved-security-financial-losses-pose-challenges-football
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On Sunday 21 October, a number of Egyptian football league players and sports workers besieged the Baron Hotel in Heliopolis. Staying there were the Sunshine Stars, a Nigerian team due to play against Egypt's premier club, Ahly, in the African Champions League semifinal. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Egyptian league players were protesting Ahly's decision to play the match with the Nigerian team, when Ahly have supported the Egyptian Football Association's decision to postpone this year's Premier League season indefinitely. Ahly fans, Ultras Ahlawy, ultimately intervened to help free the Nigerian players from the chaos and allow the game to take place. The postponement of the Premier League is the second in less than two months, and follows the Port Said tragedy in February, when 74 football fans were killed after violence erupted following a game between Ahly and Masry teams, with no security intervention to stop the bloodshed. The case is still being heard in court. Meanwhile, Ultras Ahlawy say they do not object to international matches, such as the game between Ahly and the Sunshine Stars, but stand their ground on rejecting the resumption of the season. They say it should only resume after the perpetrators of the Port Said massacre have been brought to justice. The postponement has drawn attention to the two biggest issues affecting the current game: poor security arrangements in stadiums and the massive economic losses caused by the stoppage. Players and workers in the field, including the EFA, have been calling for the season to resume, emphasizing the LE1.2 billion estimated losses. But the entity responsible for securing the matches, the Interior Ministry, has refused to give the green light for the resumption of the competition, citing security concerns. Egypt Independent investigates. Security Although the Interior Ministry had previously mentioned that matches would be played in stadiums belonging to the Armed Forces, it issued a brief statement Tuesday in which it said it had postponed the season because the atmosphere was still unsuitable for resuming the competition. But the security problem is rooted in a deeper political feud between the police apparatus and football fans in Egypt, a feud that predates the 25 January revolution. Even though the ministry declared at the beginning of its statement that it was capable of securing the league, it appears that it is not ready to clash again with hardcore fans, particularly Ultras Ahlawy, according to some experts. Khaled Bayoumy, a former member of the Egypt Football Association (EFA) responsible for coordinating the security of the stadiums after the Port Said incident, says the resumption of the league "depends on a decision on the part of the Interior Ministry to carry out its role of securing stadiums. "It should break the barriers of fear and be firm with spectators who refuse to abide by the rules, such as being searched before entering stadiums and refraining from attacking public establishments," Bayoumy says. He says hardcore fans have to get over their historic disagreements with the Interior Ministry, which started before the revolution. Hardcore Ahly and Zamalek fans were among the first groups to join the revolution to protest security violations, including the arrest of some of their leaders by the now-dissolved State Security Investigation Services, which always feared their mobilization abilities could be used in anti-regime protests. Even after the revolution, friction between Ultras Ahlawy and security forces continued, pushing some of their members to join protests condemning the military rule that followed the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak. The Port Said stadium violence created a seemingly irreversible rift in the relationship between Ultras Ahlawy and security, with Ultras Ahlawy placing the blame on the Interior Ministry for its failure to intervene to stop the tragedy, particularly after investigations revealed security was aware of potential rioting but did not cancel the match. An Ultras Ahlawy member who did not want to be identified says the state keeps putting off the season because it fears the outcome of the trials of suspects in the Port Said violence will be the same as in previous ones in which security officers were released. A series of violent clashes following the 18-day uprising that toppled Mubarak left many dead, while the cases are pending in court in what has been described by human rights watchdogs as a staggering lack of accountability. In cases in which security officers were accused of killing protesters during and after the revolution, a series of acquittals cast doubts over the prospects of justice. "Even if the suspects are indicted, it will be hard for us to change the way we support our team. The grandstands are our kingdom, and the Interior Ministry should understand that," the Ultras Ahlawy member says. "We have never invaded the pitch, but we have the right to express our opinion and send messages to the competitors with our flares, chants and banners - activities that the Interior Ministry used to punish us for." Last month, the Sports Ministry drafted a law on sports rioting comprising 27 articles. That law imposes financial penalties on spectators who attempt to enter a stadium with flares and fireworks in their possession. Spectators who use fireworks and intimidate other spectators or subject them to danger while inside the stadium would be sentenced to a minimum of three months and a maximum of seven months and be required to pay LE10,000. The same penalties would apply to spectators who insult players or referees during the matches. However, the law has yet to be approved by President Mohamed Morsy, who currently holds legislative powers. "If the state wants the league resumed, then it should do so without hesitation. The idea of having an exceptional law to handle rioting is not bad, but the question is, why has it not been approved until now? And, if approved, is it going to be enforced?" asks Bayoumy. The Port Said incident was not the first time that fans stormed the playing field. The fans of the Mahalla Football Club did the same during a match with Ahly Club in December at the end of the first round of last year's season. The EFA then stipulated conditions for the new season to ensure safety in stadiums. It requested electronic gates at the entrances and exits, surveillance cameras inside and outside, barbed wire between the spectators and the playing field, and a buffer zone of 15 meters between the fans of each team. Although many thought these conditions would make stadiums feel like military zones, former Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri's Cabinet decided to carry out the Interior Ministry's conditions for resuming the season, and allocated funds for the development of 14 stadiums. But Bayoumy says Ganzoury did not meet his promises, and that it was current Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's Cabinet that spent those funds last August, allocating LE1 million to each stadium. "Cairo Stadium was the only one that was developed, with the rest not yet finished," Bayoumy says. "The EFA will have to use the stadiums of the Armed Forces that are already fitted to those conditions." EFA President Gamal Allam said the resumption of the league is in the hands of the government, not his association. "We have already put down the schedule of the games, after the Armed Forces agreed to give us six stadiums," he explains. Ahly is playing against the Tunisian Esperance team in the African Champions League final early next month. It has asked the Interior Ministry to allow spectators to attend the game. But it has not yet been determined where the game will be played. Big business he most popular game in the world - football - is also the most-loved sport in Egypt, and the chief source of income for Egyptian clubs. Since football became a career for many Egyptian players, several businesses tied to the game have thrived from the sale of Ahly or Zamalek flags ahead of major matches, all the way to the sale of players in million-pound deals. The halting of the football league's season has had a negative impact on all stakeholders, starting from the EFA all the way to the clubs, advertising companies and satellite channels that benefit from the matches. "Football pays for the sports activities in clubs," says Medhat Shalaby, a sports commentator who works for Modern Sport satellite channel. "Sponsorship and broadcasting rights are what keep clubs going. There are more than 24 different games that depend on football for money." Amr Wahby, former marketing director at the EFA, says "every club has sponsors who fund it," adding that when the league stops, the sponsors do not get their rights, and consequently do not give money to the clubs. The suspension of the league has also had a negative impact on the other clubs that do not play in the Premier League. Wahby says clubs that do not play in the Premier League generate revenues from their participation in the Egypt Cup competition, and that those clubs sell their players to the clubs that play in the Premier League - so, with the league suspended, everything becomes static. Wahby also says the suspension of the league season has led the Egyptian national team to slip on the FIFA world football ranking to 40th position, lowering the country's chances of playing friendly international matches against big teams and marketing the team's matches. The Egyptian national team won the Africa Cup of Nations three consecutive times in 2006, 2008 and 2010, making its way to ninth place in the FIFA rankings, but has since failed to qualify for the same cup finals twice in a row. The EFA has also been hard hit by the season suspension. The association would have made LE104 million from the sale of matches to the state TV and satellite channels, but the suspension has caused it to only make LE38 million because the league only continued for 16 weeks. The losses are also exacerbated by the subsequent halting of the Egypt Cup. The EFA, meanwhile, has started collecting accumulating debts owed by satellite channels as screening fees, which have totaled LE29 million, of which state TV alone is to pay LE23 million. Wahby says these debts are guaranteed to be paid, adding that that it has been agreed with Al-Hayat satellite channel to pay LE4 million. Satellite channels, and more specifically sports channels, have been adversely affected by the suspended season, with some of them going out of business altogether. Others have switched to talk shows, which have high ratings in post-revolution Egypt. "The situation differs from one channel to the other. Some other channels, such as Zoom Sport and Melody Sport, have shut down, and others are not fulfilling their financial commitments toward their staff," says Shalaby. The suspension affects a wide swath of people, he says. "A janitor at an advertising company would be affected by the suspension of the league because there are some companies that only do football advertising, so how do you think it's going to be for those directly linked to football?" says Shalaby. "There are workers who get LE40 for every match played every week, and so the LE160 they made every month is no longer there." Translated by Dina Zafer This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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132 |
2012-11-03
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/egyptian-footballer-says-he-may-play-israeli-team
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Mahdy Suleiman, an Egyptian goalkeeper, said he is likely to accept a formal offer to join the Israeli Hapoel Tel Aviv F.C. during the upcoming winter break, "if it is the only chance to play football." googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Suleiman is currently playing for Petrojet F.C, which competes in the suspended Egyptian Premier League. He previously played for prominent Egyptian football teams Ennpi and Arab Contractors. Suleiman told Sky News Arabia in a telephone interview, "I received the formal offer through a Hungarian agent. I have not yet accepted it, but I might think of accepting if it is the only way for me." He described agreeing to play in the Israeli league as a "very serious risk." "A large number of Egyptian players contacted me as soon as they knew of the offer, so that I [could] ask the agent to find opportunities for them in the Israeli league, if possible," the 25-year-old goalkeeper added, without naming the players. Suleiman said that any player's wish to play in the Israeli league is justified by the suspension of football activity in Egypt, criticizing "those responsible for resuming the activity in the country who do not think of the future of all the workers of the sports sector." Suleiman did not reveal the financial terms of the offer he was sent, and neither did he reveal the number of years of the contract. Premier League football activity has been suspended in Egypt since the Port Said football violence, in which at least 72 Ahly fans, particularly members of the group Ultras Ahlawy, were killed after fans of the club Masry stormed the pitch at Port Said Stadium. Some workers in the football sector, including players, administrators or journalists, complain about financial difficulties as a result of the activity halt. However Ultras Ahlawy, supported by other members of the football sectors, members of the victims's families and many political activists and groups reject the resumption of Premier League matches.
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133 |
2012-11-04
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-play-tunisia-s-esperance-african-champions-league-final
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Ahly will play against Tunisia's Esperance in the African Champions League final first-leg Sunday at Borg al-Arab stadium in Alexandria. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The two teams will play again in Tunisia on 17 November. MENA cited Ahly Club's administration as saying that tickets for the match have sold out even though Ahly's hardcore fans, Ultras Ahlawy, said on Facebook that they will not attend the match. Ultras Ahlawy rejects the resumption of the Egyptian football league, which had previously been postponed indefinitely, until those responsible for the death of 74 football fans at the Port Said Stadium in February are punished. The Port Said Criminal Court is reviewing a case in which 75 are charged with involvement in the massacre. The Confederation of African Football had obliged Ahly to allow spectators to attend Sunday's match. Ahly had played most of its African League games in empty stadiums according to security measures taken by the Interior Ministry.
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134 |
2012-11-11
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/lemons-and-raisins
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Yassin and Ali, both of generation Tahrir, were embroiled in a heated argument ahead of the presidential election between presidential candidates Ahmed Shafiq, Hosni Mubarak's last prime minister, and the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsy. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "Shafiq will be impossible to depose. He will be the legitimacy of a free and fair election, the old regime on his side, and all backed by the military," pressed Ali. Yassin shook his head vigorously in dismay and rejection. "What the fuck are you talking about!" he barked back. "If Morsy comes to power, the Brotherhood will infiltrate all state institutions, and with the power of religious language, they will win elections indefinitely!" They bickered on until the day of reckoning came. Ali had convinced Yassin to vote for Morsy by assuring him that even if the Brotherhood wanted to reconstitute the old regime structure, it would be inconceivable and impossible given Egypt's newfound revolutionary fervor. Lemon People and civil groups Morsy won by a narrow margin, one afforded to him by scores of Yassins, now commonly known as "Botoo' al-Lamoona," or the Lemon People. They are those revolutionaries who are described as having "squeezed a lemon over themselves" (as a coping mechanism) ahead of voting against their better judgment. One hundred days later, with the country's economic indicators still in rapid decline, with little palpable change from the pre-election transition, with electricity and water a luxury afforded mostly to the affluent, and with seemingly haphazard domestic and foreign policy tracks for the country, the Lemon People have become the accused. With every Brotherhood decision to shut down a television network, fire an editor-in-chief, criminalize strikes, physically assault opposition protesters, incite against liberal activists, pressure the judiciary into submission and steamroll non-Islamists in the drafting of the constitution, the Lemon People lament their decision, which handed the government over to the Brotherhood. There is no doubt that the country is in a far worse place now than it was at any point in its contemporary history, post-1967 war exempted. The combined political polarization and disenchantment has reached a crescendo, as every current feels the country is slipping. The non-Islamist parties and fronts, notoriously weak and disorganized, have shown signs of life since the presidential election, as notables such as Hamdeen Sabbahi and Mohamed ElBaradei remain influential on the political scene. Nevertheless, they lack the groundswell, the discipline, commitment and motivation to pose a serious enough threat to the Brotherhood unless the latter commits enough blunders to warrant the success of a haphazard alternative. It is fair to say that this is the lowest point thus far for the "civil" (the Egyptian nomenclature for liberal and secular, given the public stigma associated with both terms) political groups. In the coming months and years, their ability to mobilize both in protests and voting will be tested to the limits. With every meagerly attended and misnamed million-person march and every electoral loss, the Brotherhood will settle more comfortably and perennially into every branch of the state apparatus, thereby acculturating Egyptian public life into a version of the Brotherhood. In the absence of organized campaigning and canvassing in every governorate, municipality and neighborhood, their chances of competing against the Brotherhood and other Islamist political groups are far-fetched. Populist moment And while the struggle for Egypt's state should be a competition over policies that privilege alleviating the misery of the subjugated, the lexicon of power-hungry politicos is of symbolism and sloganism. How often and where the president prays is an issue of national concern and attention. Preachers aligned with the Brotherhood appear on television exulting Morsy, already proclaimed leader of Al-Ummah al-Arabiya wa al-Islamiya (Arab and Islamic Ummah), and calling on him to come down on his detractors, critics and adversaries with an iron fist. And, as if basking in the glow of preemptive heroism, Morsy manufactures a populist - dare one say Nasserist - moment, by ceremoniously driving in an open carriage along the track of Cairo stadium before 90,000 cheering members of his ruling Freedom and Justice Party on the anniversary of the October 1973 war. And if it weren't ironic enough that the very stadium that hosted this propagandistic extravaganza was the same ground where the revolutionary ultras football fans ritualistically shouted down the police state for years, the invited attendees of the celebration included none other than Aboud al-Zomor, one of the people charged in the assassination of former President Anwar Sadat - the very architect of this war being commemorated! Despite seeming to have free reign in the country since Morsy's ascent and the departure of the top military brass, the ruling party doesn't have it so easy. The Brotherhood, often accustomed to charitable social development projects targeting the poor, is unable to scale up its unsustainable initiatives to cover the country's growing impoverished class. With a scriptural and ritualized system of initiation and indoctrination that keeps its members loyal, agreeable, disciplined and motivated, the Brotherhood cannot manage a disparate and heterogeneous populace using the same tools without employing a strong-handed legal instrument and a ruthless police state. In the absence of any vision and the appointment of an inexperienced, so-called technocratic government, the Brotherhood regime has desperately stumbled back toward the tried and tested, albeit flawed, policies of the Mubarak era. Whether it's accepting World Bank and International Monetary Fund money without safeguards, maintaining strong and collaborative relations with an oppressive Israeli state at the expense of the Palestinians (despite the Brotherhood's hostile domestic rhetoric), failing to improve wages or create a conducive environment for tourism, attacking labor action, asphyxiating anti-government expression, reducing subsidies on basic necessities, maintaining chummy ties with the Americans and Saudis, or continuing the enmity with Iran, the Brotherhood is essentially a Mubarak regime with zebeebas - the Arabic word for raisin, used colloquially to describe a discoloration and scarred marking on the foreheads of those who pray frequently. Salafis The zebeeba front also includes Salafis, once the darlings of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces-led transition period and surprise placers in the parliamentary elections. They have also hit the wall as their parties and movements become increasingly disorganized, their rhetoric conflicting, and violations and contradictions exposed publicly. The one identifying feature that distinguishes them from their competition is their religious interpretations and their obsession with the imposition of Sharia. Today, there are at least 10 competing parties and visions that share this condition as a platform, in some instances supporting one another, and in other cases scandalizing one another. With the Brotherhood in power, the Salafis are caught in a bind - use their weight and popularity to serve as an opposition, or join ranks with the ruling party and reserve the role of runners-up. However, both scenarios are excruciatingly risky. A sinking Brotherhood ship is one the Salafis would be best advised to avoid. Alternatively, with no comprehensive plan of their own, the Salafis are desperate to benefit from the Brotherhood's plan. Islamists and liberals Whether hidden behind Gamal Mubarak's accentless English or Morsy's beard and zebeeba, the policies of the Brotherhood government are indistinguishably counter-revolutionary. But, in the post-Mubarak era, the zebeeba goes a long way. Today, signs of piousness and religiosity are emblems of the new regime. This is an administration whose rhetoric is adorned with Quranic verses, anecdotes from the Hadith and religious salutations accenting every expression. To emulate this style or at least adapt to its pervasiveness is to be in sync with the tones and vernacular of power today. But tone and vernacular alone don't feed, treat, send children to school, or pay the bills. In the coming period, and following the 12 October altercations between the two political camps in Tahrir, the prospects for both an empowered but weary Islamist camp and a debased but confident liberal front are in the balance. For either group to effectively prevail, they must first shake off the facade of their symbols. The Lemon People, no longer benefiting from their strategic votes, cannot afford to continue camouflaging their political identity in the name of the "common good." And for those who proudly don the raisin, it is their responsibility to represent far more than a trend, a party or dogma. With both groups having voted for the same president, and to whom he owes justification for his faltering, it is their honest and transparent political will that Egypt so direly needs between now and the next round at the ballot. Adel Iskandar is a media scholar and lecturer at Georgetown University. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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135 |
2012-11-13
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/beyond-football-creative-transformation-egypt-s-ultras
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Since their formation in 2005, the Egyptian ultras have been called everything from "thugs" to "soccer hooligans." They have been marked as "anarchists," and, most recently, branded as "protectors of the 25 January revolution." But these stereotypical attempts to label the ultras simply limit this enigmatic group of young men. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ultras are a multi-faceted group which continues to experience a collective evolution from their pre-revolution days. They travel passionately through the realms of football fanaticism, activism, patriotism and collective consciousness. And, if you have noticed the markings on the walls, it is apparent that their most recent transformation has come in the form of art, seen through their graffiti and a unique, self-created genre of Egyptian pop-music. After spending several hours in and around Tahrir Square with Zamalek's ultras, the White Knights, over the past year, it became apparent that there is far more to this group than meets the eye (or the ear, for that matter). "Under the Mubarak regime, the media and government would always pin us with these negative labels; calling us 'hooligans' and 'dangerous,'" explains Karim, a Cairo native and White Knights member who only agreed to be interviewed if his real identity was not revealed. "It's disheartening because there is so much more to us than that - some of us are musicians, we are painters, and if you can believe it, some are even poets." I first met Karim last November in Tahrir Square, in the immediate aftermath of the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes, where scores of protesters had been killed and thousands injured during five days of street battles between government security forces and protesters. The White Knights, among thousands of other demonstrators, had staged a sit-in a few meters south of Tahrir Square - their shoddy white tents marked with the universal ultras' slogan "ACAB" - "All cops are bastards." Karim's face was wrapped in a keffiyeh to conceal his identity. But, as we started talking, he swiped off the scarf with a sudden movement, exposed his wide smile and said, with his eyes pointing toward the Interior Ministry, "I can't take myself seriously like this - please don't take pictures of our faces or they will find us. "You know, we're not so bad," he went on. "Sure there are a few bad eggs, but we are a massive group - we have certain rules of operation in order to maintain our order: we use fair judgment, we defend, not offend, and, like knights, we rescue without judgment." As night began to settle, it became increasingly apparent that Karim was a senior member of sorts - our conversation was repeatedly interrupted as younger White Knights approached him for instructions or to give him updates. When I asked him if that was the case he replied, "There are no leaders among us - but there are organizational individuals who manage meetings and help guide the younger members. There is no hierarchy - organizers within the group are simply people with wisdom; as long as you have expertise in something, or a realistic idea, and, most importantly, a strong sense of humanity." At the end of our conversation, he jumped up from the low stonewall he was perched upon and said, "I want to show you all something - have you seen our graffiti?" A few steps away from their camp, the White Knights had covered the walls of the Mugamma building with their signature graffiti tags, and images of police brutality. "I have big plans for our graffiti - as I told you, there are many artists among us. In fact, you should come with us sometime when we go to make graffiti, then you will get a true taste of the White Knights." A year of art This past month, Karim and I sat down again, nearly one year after the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes. Since that time, Karim claims that "everything has changed, yet nothing has really changed - for us, the biggest challenge has been trying to stay united without our common ground of football." In February, 74 Ahly fans were killed during clashes that arose after a game in Port Said, which prompted a halt in the Egyptian Premier League's football season over this past year. "You have to understand something, most of us are between the ages of 12 to 27 - we have been completely discarded by society and our government for our whole lives. The football stadium has been the only place we could really express ourselves and our frustrations. It's the only place we've felt a sense of belonging," he stresses. Karim goes on to mention that without football and the protests, the White Knights had a massive void to fill in terms of identity and expression. Thus they began focusing on creative endeavors. "While we have always done some mediocre graffiti promoting our team, in the past year we created a series of graffiti campaigns - if we can't express in the stadium, then we will along the walls," explains Karim. Prior to the 25 January revolution, the White Knights' graffiti, tags, and Arabic writing could mostly be found splattered on the walls outside their sporting club in Mohandiseen - but since then, they have expanded their work through Cairo and other governorates. In the past year, the White Knights launched a series of socio-political graffiti campaigns addressing a range of topics, including clashes with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces and a "Free Palestine" and "Free Syria" campaign. "We have come to realize the strength of our organization, and while football and our beloved Zamalek team always comes first, in times without football we can still spread our identity or our opinions through art," says Karim. "Expressing our collective identity and our group's unity is really all we have." While much of the White Knights graffiti is still primitive with regard to the artistic techniques and aesthetic, there has been noticeable progress over the past year. Karim explains that when their graffiti first began popping up around 2009, it was by individual members going out on their own to mark walls. But, since the suspension of football, Karim has taken a more hands-on approach, helping to organize efficient graffiti tactics to produce a more cohesive, White Knights output. "We have a very democratic approach to everything we do. If someone has an idea for a graffiti campaign, we call a round-table meeting with a few of our artists and members to discuss and vote on it - everyone is free to submit ideas and everything is a collaboration," he explains. Ultra music According to Karim, the White Knights graffiti initiatives are only the beginning of their foray into creative production. Earlier this year, the White Knights successfully released their first self-produced music CD featuring 11 tracks - the CD was distributed guerilla-style to nearly 30,000 Zamalek fans. "It only made sense to start channeling energies into music - the approach is similar to the graffiti - it seems that we really do have a lot to say," explains Karim as he blares one of the tracks titled "Shams El Horreya" (The Sun of Freedom). The track opens with a violin, played in an oriental register reminiscent of most Arabic folk music - but, within moments, a three-count percussion beat kicks in, followed by chant-like vocals singing lyrics like: "Sing for freedom, it is the most beautiful song/The sun of freedom just gave birth, and it is impossible to kill/I'm a knight who lives for steadfastness and resistance." In other songs, like "If they ask me, let us choose," the White Knights fuse together Latin beats and traditional oriental sounds giving the track a full and festive energy. "We are very interested in Latin culture - they seem similar to us, in regard to their emphasis on family and football, plus their music is great and fits well with our sounds," Karim says. "But really, it would be our dream to do something with Mohamed Mounir or some of the shaabi DJs like Ortega or DJ Haha," he adds. The combination of poignant and patriotic lyrics, sung in chant-like unison by nearly 30 members, in addition to the stadium-style stomping heard in the percussion, is utterly fascinating. While there are still many musical kinks that need to be worked out, the White Knights may very well be on their way to establishing an entirely new genre of Egyptian-made music. In the past year alone, the White Knights have created over 90 graffiti pieces throughout Egypt and a CD, and plan for an even greater outpouring of creative energy. And while their works cover a range of topics, one theme consistently reigns throughout: their utmost loyalty toward their country and their football club. To hear more music by the Zamalek White Knights, visit their Youtube page here. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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136 |
2012-11-13
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/hundreds-commemorate-mohamed-mahmoud-clashes-tahrir
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Hundreds of political activists belonging to different revolutionary movements and coalitions performed prayers in Tahrir Square Tuesday for the victims of last November's Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Activists had planned a march from Cairo University to Tahrir Square on Tuesday evening. Ultras Ahlawy members who attended the event chanted slogans against the former ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces and the Muslim Brotherhood. Many activists and politicians hold the SCAF responsible for the deadly Mohamed Mahmoud clashes. The SCAF took power during the transition period following the ouster of former President Hosni Mubarak. The march marks the first anniversary of the bloody events that took place in Mohamed Mahmoud Street near Tahrir Square after security forces used excessive force on 19 November 2011 to break up a sit-in of protesters who were injured or whose relatives were killed during the revolution. The incident provoked many citizens to go to Tahrir Square, where clashes continued with security forces for several days, during which 45 people died and hundreds were injured. The trial of suspects is ongoing. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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137 |
2012-11-13
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/imbaba-clinic-kindness-holds-underfunded-health-system-together
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The doctors are on strike, but the patients haven't noticed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In Tanash primary care unit, in Warraq, north of Imbaba, doctors come into work to treat patients, but don't demand the tickets, for which patients pay a LE1.5 charge. The aim is to put pressure on the Health Ministry. But they gave up on talking about it inside the premises. In the ticket room near the entrance door, the patients, are told, "Go in without a ticket." "Is it certain?" they ask, then enter, unfazed. No one even utters the word "strike." Doctors have been on strike for more than six weeks, demanding improved conditions and a dramatic increase in the health budget. So far, the Health Ministry has refused to negotiate, and disputes within the Doctors Syndicate have weakened the strike. Egypt spends about 5.6 percent of its budget on health, according to World Health Organization statistics. More than half of the nations surveyed by the WHO spend more than double that share, and 22 nations spend triple. The lack of funding takes its toll on staff and patients. "The patients tell us they cannot do anything to make the government put more money in it. They do not really understand our strike. But they know it's not against them, it's against the Health Ministry," says one of the doctors, while examining one of the many children that came in last Tuesday for a free vaccination. He writes the prescription on a scrap of paper. "Normally, I prescribe the medication on the ticket, and they can get the drugs for free from our in-house pharmacy. But now they have to buy it from outside. It might cost them several dozen pounds," he explains. Sparrows fly in the waiting room, over the patients' heads. The patients are mainly women with children or elderly people, standing or sitting on the floor. Only a few have a chair. A donkey brays outside. "I feel guilty making them pay. They're poor," says the doctor. His colleague says he tells patients with young children to go back and pay for a ticket; they then get their prescription for free. The doctor discharges his patient to begin another consultation that lasts under five minutes, while waiting patients loll on the doorframe. Some people do not even make it in line. They show up in the reception, ask their question to whoever is in there - be it nurses or doctors having a break - and leave comforted as soon as they are told there is nothing to worry about. In the reception room, there are shelves half full of blue files. They are supposed to have information about every family in the area. After their consultation, the patients should come and say what they have so that the family files can be updated with the history of family diseases. But the files have been on the shelves for two years, and the care unit is still waiting for instructions to implement the process. They aren't even sure which details to take down. Other issues leave the staff perplexed. The walls and floors were covered in marble stone during the last refurbishment, which cost LE15 million, they say. But the pharmacy keeps running out of drugs and receives only the cheapest medication, the dentist keeps running out of anaesthetic, and there are not many machines. The doctors remember some of their most frustrating moments: when they ran out of syringes, for example. Or, when a patient came in with a wound that needs stitches, but for which there was no suitably sized needle. The patient's relatives had to be sent to buy this basic equipment from their own pocket. In such cases, if the relatives cannot afford it, they have to go to another hospital. "We can't give the patients all the drugs they need to complete the treatment," says the pharmacist. "We don't have enough. So usually we give them pills to start the treatment, and they have to buy the rest from a private pharmacy." She says they receive a delivery of drugs every three months, but it is never enough. She also complains about the quality and variety of the drugs. "We have the equivalent of what would be just one shelf of a private pharmacy," she says. "That's what we're asking with our strike," one doctor says. "Where does the money go? Doctors and nurses don't get the equipment they need. They're never sent on training once they finish their studies." The head of the unit has his private clinic just across the street. He comes to the unit only in the afternoons, staff members say. But the animating spirit of the clinic seems to be Hala. The 37-year-old energetic woman is affectionately nicknamed the "omda," or village chief, by the unit staff. They say she does everything, working as a secretary, pharmacist and nurse. Hala expertly dispatches the patients and is in charge of the tickets. Her voice is firm but friendly. She says she has had a contract only for the last year and a half. Before that, for seven years, she worked without a contract. She has a high school education and lives just four minutes away from the unit, amid the shabby housing, dirt roads and banana trees. Her husband did not want her to work. But she adds, smiling, "Now my husband is OK with it. He knows it makes me happy. He changed his mind. I like working, I like the people here." "We're like a family here, in the unit. And in the area, everybody knows us," the pharmacist declares. When the "omda's" younger daughter finishes school, she comes in, chats with the nurses and hugs them. "There are no Christian and Muslim issues in the unit," she ascertains. The nurses sport pale pink veils and uniforms with well-worn cloth. One wears an immaculate white niqab. The two young doctors happen to be Copts. Both are 25 and are still students. They are doing their first six-month training as general practitioners, while waiting for their specialty course to open. All doctors of the unit are supposed to be in every day, but with the low pay - LE800 per month - and their studies, they cannot afford it. So they agreed to divide the days between them. Officials from the district do, however, show up unexpectedly from time to time, and report who is not there. Hala says the doctors usually turn up at 9:30 or 10 am, especially the gynecologist or the dentist. But she is there at 8:30. Between 8:30 am and 2 pm, the primary care unit receives most of its visitors. There are usually 50 cases a day for the doctors, sometimes up to a hundred, and less for the dentist. Patients can also have some basic tests done for LE5, or ask for contraceptives for LE1 in the other rooms upstairs. An accountant and a secretary who registers births in the afternoons both work in the care unit. The head of the care unit is the only one to operate the ultrasound, for pregnancy check-ups. The care unit is a three-story building. On the second floor, dusty rooms never get used. One of them is used as a conference room for the women of the area, perhaps twice a year. Another one is supposed to be a meeting room for the doctors and nurses. The staff members never have time to use the kitchen next door, nor to use the restrooms or changing rooms, which are also covered in dust. In the afternoon, treatments are more expensive than in the morning. A consultation at the family planning clinic, for example, costs LE3 after 2 pm, but just LE1 in the morning. After 2 pm, the crowd in the hall has disappeared. But the young doctors say they often ignore the price rise and charge the lower fee. The end of their shift is usually when the head of the clinic arrives, in the middle of the afternoon, unless an emergency case comes up. Then, they stay until the emergency has been dealt with. During the afternoon, an old man comes in slowly, leaning on his cane. His soft smile shows almost no teeth. He carries a bag of candies - in the area, they call this type of candy "arouah," or spirits - and insists the young doctors take some. He chats good-heartedly, about politics, weather and health, while they check his blood pressure. He comes in every afternoon, they say. He is almost always fine. An hour later, he is still inside the care unit, in the ticket room, chatting with the workers. This piece appears in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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138 |
2012-11-16
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/egyptian-football-association-pushing-league-resume
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The Egyptian Football Association googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); has presented Interior Minister Ahmed Gamal Eddin with several proposals to resume Premier League matches, which Gamal Eddin instructed ministry officials to review. During a meeting Thursday between association members, ministers and others, it was agreed that stadiums would be prepared to begin hosting games. Meeting attendees also agreed on the importance of resuming football matches and ensuring that stadiums meet the conditions set by the public prosecution to guarantee the safety of fans. Another meeting is planned before the end of the month to follow up on what has been accomplished. Premier League matches were suspended following the February massacre of 74 football fans after a match between Cairo-based Ahly and Port Said's Masry at the Port Said Stadium. The Ultras Ahlawy have protested against the league resuming before the perpetrators of the violence are brought to justice. Edited translation from MENA
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139 |
2012-11-19
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-police-fire-teargas-birdshots-mohamed-mahmoud-protesters
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Fighting broke out on Monday evening during a mass demonstration to commemorate last year's clashes on Mohamed Mahmoud Street googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , as police fired birdshots and teargas at demonstrators. At least one protester had difficulty breathing because of the teargas, while stones thrown by security officers caused other injuries. Protesters climbed a wall erected by the Interior Ministry earlier this year on Youssef al-Guindy Street and broke some stones off the wall while chanting slogans against the Interior Ministry and demanding the collapse of the regime. Eyewitnesses said that the protesters hurled rocks and Molotov cocktails and police forces responded by throwing rocks as well. The state-run MENA news agency reported that seven have been injured so far on Youssef al-Guindy Street, included four police officers, while state-run Al-Ahram newspaper reported that dozens were injured and were transferred to Tahrir Square for first aid. Thousands of protesters filled the street, Al-Ahram added, as security forces attempted to cordon a wider area around the Interior Ministry to prevent protesters from reaching it. Earlier Monday, demonstrators chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsy, such as "Down with Morsy Mubarak" and "Down with the Supreme Guide's Rule." In the afternoon state-run Al-Ahram newspaper had reported that large numbers of demonstrators withdrew from Mohamed Mahmoud Street, fearing violent clashes with the police. They said they went there to commemorate the event and not fight with the police. Members of the Ultras told Al-Ahram that some demonstrators were attempting to create instability. The march marks the first anniversary of the bloody events that took place in Mohamed Mahmoud Street near Tahrir Square after security forces used excessive force on 19 November 2011 to break up a sit-in of protesters who were injured or whose relatives were killed during the revolution. The incident provoked many citizens to go to Tahrir Square, where clashes continued with security forces for several days, during which 45 people died and hundreds were injured. Fifty political groups announced their participation in protests commemorating the clashes. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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140 |
2012-11-22
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-police-stops-attacks-fjp-headquarters
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Dozens of activists attempted to storm the headquarters of the Freedom and Justice Party in Port Said and Port Fouad, but were stopped by security forces. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A demonstration had been organized from the Rahma Mosque to mark the one-year anniversary of the Mohamed Mahmoud clashes in Cairo. The protesters then headed to the FJP offices. A number of demonstrators, including football fans Ultras Masry, lit fireworks and threw stones at the Port Said Police Department. This followed a march organized by the April 6 Youth Movement to condemn the ongoing clashes in Mohammed Mahmoud Street that began on Monday after protesters gathered there to mark the one-year anniversary of clashes. Arafa Abou Salima, media spokesperson of the party in Port Said, said that the party had filed a lawsuit a few weeks ago after the headquarters faced similar attempts of breaking and entering, in addition to anti-FJP graffiti on its walls. Edited translation from MENA
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141 |
2012-11-22
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/premier-league-resume-mid-december
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The Board of Directors of the Egyptian Football Association decided on Thursday to resume football activities and resume the Premier League on 15 December, after a meeting with heads and representatives of the clubs participating in the league. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The meeting was attended by representatives of 15 clubs including Ahly, Zamalek, Military Production, Arab Contractors, Enppi and Ismailia. According to the Football Association's website, the attendees agreed to start the league no later than mid-December, and to notify the relevant authorities including the ministries of interior, defense and sport of the precise date along with the timetable of the games and the stadiums where they will take place. The Premier League was suspended in February after 72 Ahly fans, mostly members of hardcore football fans Ultras Ahlawy, were killed following a match between Ahly and the Port Said-based team Masry. The league was postponed more than once due to Ultras Ahlawy protests against resuming football activities before anyone has been brought to justice for the Port Said killings. Some workers in the sport sector demonstrated demanding the resumption of football activities, while others supported the demands of Ultras.
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142 |
2012-11-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-third-fjp-headquarters-set-ablaze-midst-ongoing-brotherhood-revolutionary-clashes
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A third Freedom and Justice Party headquarters was stormed on Friday afternoon by anti-Brotherhood protesters. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); After burning another headquarters near Leader Ibrahim Square in Alexandria, protesters set another FJP office in the al-Ibrahimeya district ablaze. Alexandria security head Abdel Meguid Lotfy said four Central Security Force teams were sent to the FJP's main headquarters in the Semoha district to secure it. Amr al-Demerdash, the media coordinator for the Kefaya movement, was injured in the clashes between revolutionary forces and Brotherhood members outside Leader Ibrahim Mosque earlier on Friday. He is reportedly undergoing cosmetic surgery for injuries he sustained to his face. The Muslim Brotherhood in Alexandria responded to the situation by issuing a statement claiming that no Brotherhood members were involved in the clashes, because they had all gone to Cairo to rally outside of the presidential palace. The Leader Ibrahim Mosque's speakers are playing Quranic verses and mosque leaders are urging the two groups to stop the violence. Also on Friday afternoon hundreds of protesters attacked the FJP party headquarters in Port Said. Members of revolutionary groups, leftist political parties and the Ultras chanted hostile slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsy as they threw rocks at the headquarters. They chanted slogans including, "Sell, sell the revolution oh Badei (the Brotherhood supreme guide)" and "Down with the supreme guide rule," as they blocked traffic in both directions in the street in front of the headquarters. This latest altercation in Port Said came on the heels of quarrels between opponents and supporters of Morsy that escalated into violent clashes in Alexandria earlier on Friday afternoon. Eyewitnesses told Al-Masry Al-Youm that 15 were injured in the clashes as both sides hurled stones at each other, and at least five cars were smashed in the course of the violence. The confrontations led to a brief halt in traffic on the Alexandria Corniche. Al-Jazeera Mubasher Misr reported that anti-Morsy supporters stormed the office of Freedom and Justice Party at the area and set it ablaze. The confrontations began when Muslim Brotherhood members and revolutionary activists engaged in a shouting match after the Friday prayer in front of the mosque. As the anti-Morsy marches encountered pro-Morsy marches organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, they began verbally sparring, leading to the clashes. Thursday night, presidential spokesperson Yasser Ali announced the constitutional declaration, saying it was an attempt to end governmental corruption. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm, additional reporting by Abdelrahman Youssef
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143 |
2012-11-24
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/clashes-erupt-front-high-court-between-declaration-supporters-opponents
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Clashes erupted outside the High Court between supporters and opponents of President Mohamed Morsy's new constitutional declaration while the Judges Club held an emergency meeting inside. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Some supporters of the declaration shot off fireworks at the gates of the court, and police fired teargas at protesters after they attempted to storm the building. The clashes began when protesters in favor of the constitutional declarations arrived at the court building, where opponents had gathered. Supporters started chanting "the people demand the execution of Abdel Maguid," in reference to former Prosecutor General Mahmoud Abdel Meguid, who was attending the meeting inside. Eyewitnesses said that people in civilian clothes threw teargas canisters at the protesters. "We were standing before the court to support the general assembly [of the Judges Club] and were surprised to see a large number of people approaching us," said one eyewitness. "We thought they are from the Ultras [hardcore football fan groups] or other groups to support us. We welcomed them and applauded for them, but we were surprised when they began attacking us with weapons and threw tear gas bombs at us." The unnamed eyewitness stressed that security forces assigned to protect the building had withdrawn a few minutes before the attack, and when she asked them why, they said they were going to protect the inside of the building. After the attack, the Central Security Forces went to 26 July Street, where clashes were ongoing, to separate rival demonstrators. The two groups initially each believed that the other group was comprised of Brotherhood supporters. When both groups realized that the other group was protesting the Brotherhood, they began to march again to the High Court gates at the corner of 26 July and Ramses Streets. The Major General supervising the Central Security Forces, who refused to be named, told Egypt Independent that the teargas canisters were not thrown by the police, but by civilians who tried to assault protesters and storm the court. They were carrying different types of weapons, including shotguns, teargas and automatic weapons. Member of the Shayfinkom (We See You) movement Dalia Sami, who was present inside the court gates, said that the attackers were likely Brotherhood members, saying that they are the only group objecting to the meeting inside the court. Many other demonstrators accused the Muslim Brotherhood attacking protesters, but none of the eyewitnesses saw slogans of the group or its Freedom and Justice Party amid the banners and signs, nor did anyone see any prominent members from the group. Sami confirmed that security forces were present in the court's external yard during the attack. The Major General stressed that none of the attackers was arrested, and they were not able to identify them. He added that one witness claimed "bearded men" attacked the protesters.
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144 |
2012-11-27
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/around-300-injured-mahalla-clashes
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A fire broke out in a gas station in Al-Shoan Square in Mahalla on Tuesday evening, as Mahalla Club Ultras and Islamist youth threw Molotov cocktails at one another, resulting in about 300 injuries. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Saad Mekky, director of the Mahalla Public Hospital, said 15 wounded victims arrived at the hospital with different injuries including bruises and abrasions. The Freedom and Justice Party's media spokesperson in Mahalla, Mamdouh Mounir, said 200 Muslim Brotherhood members were injured, alleging that anti-Brotherhood protesters had prevented ambulances from reaching the victims. Violent clashes erupted Tuesday night between members of revolutionary groups and the FJP members in the labor activist stronghold of Mahalla. Eyewitnesses said that clashes in the city, located in the Gharbiya Governorate in the Nile Delta, began when protesters against President Mohamed Morsy's new constitutional declaration hurled stones and Molotov cocktails at Brotherhood and FJP offices in the city. Dozens were injured when fighting escalated, with both sides using sticks and bladed weapons. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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145 |
2012-11-28
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/teargas-hits-tahrir-conflicting-reports-injuries-nationwide-emerge
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Teargas canisters landed in Tahrir Square as fighting raged around the perimeter between police and protesters, according to AFP, as conflicting reports of the number of casualties begin to come in from the Health Ministry. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Health Ministry released a statement Wednesday that 116 people were injured nationwide during protests Tuesday, including 77 in clashes in the Delta city of Mahalla and 25 in Tahrir Square. However, a source from the ministry reportedly told state-run news agency MENA that 36 protesters were injured in Port Said alone as clashes flared between Brotherhood members and the group's opponents. Tuesday's injuries came as thousands in Tahrir and around the country protested against President Mohamed Morsy's recent constitutional declaration, issued Thursday, granting himself sweeping powers beyond judicial review and protecting the embattled Constituent Assembly and Shura Council from dissolution. Earlier reports had put the number of injured in Mahalla as high as 300. Morsy supporters and opponents threw Molotov cocktails and stones at each other, and the Freedom and Justice Party's media spokesperson in Mahalla, Mamdouh Mounir, claimed that 200 Muslim Brotherhood members were injured there. Mounir further alleged that anti-Brotherhood protesters had prevented ambulances from reaching injured group members. In Port Said, Morsy opponents and Brotherhood members pelted each other with stones. The Health Ministry source also told MENA that some sustained gunshot wounds, while eyewitnesses said that masked gunmen fired live rounds and birdshot at protesters and that three football fans from the Ultras Green Eagles group, supporting the local team Al-Masry, were injured near the Brotherhood's headquarters. In Cairo, AFP reported that ongoing clashes off of Tahrir spilled into the square Wednesday morning. Teargas canisters fell into the crowd, with television images showing protesters running for cover and clouds of teargas spreading over tents erected for a sit-in. Clashes between protesters and the police in the streets surrounding the square have entered their ninth day, stemming from a commemoration march last year to mark the one-year anniversary of the Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes in the same area.
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146 |
2012-12-05
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-four-reported-dead-presidential-palace-clashes
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Members of the Muslim Brotherhood started to pull out of the area surrounding the presidential palace late Wednesday night, state-run newspaper Al-Ahram reported. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Clashes had spread earlier to more streets in Heliopolis as security forces tried to restore calm to the area surrounding the presidential palace, after at least four people reportedly died in clashes between protesters against the new constitution and Brotherhood supporters. ONTV presenter Yousri Fouda reported that Mohamed Essam and Karam Gergis had died in the clashes, saying this was confirmed by the Popular Current. Earlier Wednesday, Amr Zaky of the Freedom and Justice Party said that a young Muslim Brotherhood member died in the clashes, and Amer al-Wekil, general coordinator of Egypt's Alliance of Revolutionaries, told the Middle East News Agency that a woman died as well. Wekil urged the president, the Interior Ministry and the Armed Forces to intervene to break up the clashes and save the country from discord. Mahmoud Gozlan, the spokesperson for the Muslim Brotherhood, called on all protesters to withdraw from the area surrounding the presidential palace and pledge to go back there, AFP reported. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that clashes erupted between pro- and anti-Morsy protesters on Khalifa al-Maamon Street. Protesters used Molotov cocktails, birdshots and stones against each other. The newspaper also reported that security forces dispersed protesters at Roxy Square. Prime Minister Hesham Qandil called for calm and the Interior Ministry dispatched security personnel to break up the clashes. Qandil asked protesters outside the presidential palace in Heliopolis to evacuate the area surrounding the presidential palace immediately, so calm could be restored. Qandil demanded that protesters give a chance for the ongoing efforts to launch a national dialogue to end the current political standoff. Protesters had gathered at the palace on Tuesday to protest Morsy's constitutional declaration, which gave him sweeping powers. On Wednesday, a sit-in that had stayed behind was overrun by supporters of the president, according to the website of the state-owned daily Al-Ahram. The Interior Ministry sent 3,000 security recruits to the presidential palace late Wednesday night to break up clashes between supporters and opponents President Morsy. The forces used tear gas grenades to disperse the protests. A security officer, speaking on condition of anonymity to Al-Masry Al-Youm, said the original instructions were not to deal with the demonstrators unless they attacked the presidential palace, but after the clashes erupted, new instructions came from the ministry to disperse the fight with tear gas. The officer added that he saw bladed weapons and shotguns, but could not arrest those wielding the weapons, so as not to increase the heated atmosphere. The Interior Ministry had said in a statement earlier Wednesday that the Central Security Forces were trying to establish a cordon between the protesters and the presidential palace, but clashes were ongoing in the area. Deputy head of the Freedom and Justice Party Essam al-Erian said the events "are not clashes between supporters and opponents, but rather skirmishes between the guardians of legitimacy and the revolution against the counterrevolutionary attempts to topple legitimacy." "There are thugs who want to depose the elected president," Erian said, demanding that citizens "besiege those thugs and expose the third party, and those firing live ammunition." Eyewitnesses told Al-Masry Al-Youm that security forces assaulted anti-Morsy protesters and arrested dozens of them on Wednesday evening. Numerous protesters are suffering from head injuries as a result of stone throwing, eyewitnesses said. Health Ministry spokesperson Ahmed Omar said that the injuries varied between cuts, bruises and suspected fractures, and that the patients would be released as soon as they are stable. Marghany Street, the main front line, was the scene of a warzone, with fighting spilling over onto Khalifa al-Maamon. Eyewitnesses there said Morsy supporters outnumbered opponents. The two sides were fighting with no security intervention, though the area had some military police posts, which were empty at the time. Eyewitnesses have reported use of pellets and birdshots, as well as consistent sounds of gunshots. Some residents in the area attempted to flee into their houses, but they feared fires would start. State-owned Al-Ahram newspaper reported that the clashes started when Morsy's supporters threw Molotov cocktails at members of the ultras, and targeted them with birdshots. The state mouthpiece added that the ultras responded by throwing stones and fireworks. Security forces and ambulances were almost absent from the area, the paper added. Privately-owned TV channel Al-Nahar, in live reports from the scene, said that Morsy supporters boxed opposition protesters in from two sides, leading to scuffles. The clashes came after both the Popular Current, led by former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi, and the Muslim Brotherhood called for rival demonstrations outside the presidential palace Wednesday, raising the specter of clashes between both sides. Anti-Morsy protesters had begun a sit-in the night before after holding a mass demonstration. However, the Muslim Brotherhood Guidance Bureau announced on Wednesday that its members would also start a sit-in in front of the presidential palace until the constitutional referendum is successfully held. The Brotherhood demonstrators planned to rally there to support Morsy, and his decision to put the constitution for a referendum, according to a statement, which also called for a "general mobilization" among youth in support of the sit-in. Erian said Wednesday, "Egyptian people will flood to squares in all governorates, especially at the presidential palace, to protect legitimacy." Earlier on Tuesday, the website of state-run Al-Ahram newspaper quoted a Jama'a al-Islamiya source as saying that various Islamist factions will gather at the palace to support Morsy. The Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party, the Salafi-oriented Nour Party and Jama'a al-Islamiya's Construction and Development Party are among the groups that will participate, according to Al-Ahram. The Brotherhood's earlier call for protests, with anti-Morsy protesters already staging a sit-in outside the palace, drew condemnations and warnings from opposing political parties. Former presidential candidate Amr Moussa, who is also chairman of the Congress Party, denounced the Brotherhood's call for protests. "Clashes with other protesters over differences in opinion will further heat up the situation," Moussa tweeted on Wednesday. In a statement posted on the group's Facebook page, Brotherhood spokesperson Mahmoud Ghozlan said that the calls for demonstrations were meant to "protect the legitimacy after the brute infringements conducted on Tuesday by a group that thought they could shake legitimacy or impose their opinion by force."
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147 |
2012-12-07
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-25-injured-clashes-outside-morsy-home-sharqiya
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Around 25 protesters were injured in clashes with security forces and Muslim Brotherhood members at Mohamed Morsy's family house in Sharqiya on Friday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Three thousands protesters clashed with security forces, which later were joined by around 200 Brotherhood members. The protesters hurled stones, Molotov cocktails, and fireworks at the security forces, who shot tear gas at them and chased them through the streets, brutally beating those they caught. Five were severely injured and transferred to Zagazig Hospital. Al-Masry Al-Youm said that security forces and Muslim Brotherhood members together detained some of the protesters, but did not report how many. The protesters included ultras and members of the Tagammu and Nasserist parties. Similar clashes took place in the area on Thursday when hundreds protested outside the house in response to Wednesday's attack on opposition protesters outside the presidential palace. Ten protesters were arrested on Thursday, and an estimated 30 were injured. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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148 |
2012-12-12
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-violence-verdict-be-issued-26-january
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The Port Said Criminal Court decided on Wednesday to schedule a session on 26 January to sentence 73 defendants accused of involvement in the Port Said football massacre on 1 February 2012. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The defendants, including nine top officials in the Port Said Security Directorate, face charges of killing and inciting the killing of 74 football fans, many of whom were members of the Ultras Ahlawy, following a football game in Port Said between Cairo's Ahly and home team Masry. The court, headed by Judge Sobhy Abdel Meguid and advisers Tareq Gad Metwally and Mohamed Abdel Karim, decided to ban media discussion of the case starting Friday. A verbal altercation occurred between families of the defendants and the victims inside the courtroom Wednesday. The two sides exchanged insults which nearly escalated into physical clashes during the defense's argument. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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149 |
2012-12-16
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/premier-league-football-play-resume-30-december
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The Egyptian Football Association announced on Sunday it would resume Premier League play on 30 December, after postponing matches for constitutional referendum voting. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The association had originally said it was committed to beginning the Premier League on 18 December, but had to change its plan following President Mohamed Morsy's deciding to hold the referendum on 15 and 22 December. The Sunday statement said the first and second rounds of play, which would have been held on those days, have been postponed, and that play would begin with the third round on 30 December. "The association has obtained written approval from the Defense Ministry to hold games in Armed Forces stadiums without an audience," Hassan Farid, vice president of the association, said in a press conference Sunday. The Premier League was suspended in February after 72 fans of Egypt's leading Ahly Club, mostly members of the hardcore supporter group known as the Ultras Ahlawy, were killed in a fight following a match between Ahly and the Port Said-based team Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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150 |
2012-12-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/al-warsha-s-revolution-testimonies-invite-us-reflect
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"Don't believe everything you hear, even what I am telling you," one of the narrators says. It is a classic storyteller move - reminding the listener to always doubt a little. This is after all a story told only from one perspective. And the narrator is not omniscient. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "Zawaya - testimonies from the revolution" put together by independent theater troupe Al-Warsha, and showing again this weekend, is made up of five narratives. While these stories are mostly anchored in the 18 days, they do not hark back to the hope or unity of that moment. They are not reminiscing stories. Rather, they are invitations to reflect. For director Hassan al-Geretly, it is about "meditating on the stories." Recorded long after the 18 days, some of them over several months, Geretly worked with writer Shadi Atef on the five testimonies. In between each narrative, there is oud playing and a song that sings of the revolution. "The idealism of the 18 days remains a kind of reference," says Geretly. "But there is ambiguity, not simple celebration." Indeed, most of what focuses on those 18 days is charged with strong and difficult emotions. In the final narrative, the mother of Ahmed, a 17-year-old who was martyred, says she does not want the person who shot her son, or the officer in charge that day, to be held responsible. Rather, it was the man who gave the order, Interior Minister Habib al-Adly. This continued naming of the responsible in public places has a resounding power and points to an ongoing struggle against the devaluation of human life by security services that started before 25 January and continues well beyond it. The stories we neither listen to nor tell While there are narratives from the mother of a martyr and a member of Ultras Ahlawy, there is also the narrative of the army officer and the paid thug. At its most basic, "Zawaya" is a reminder that there are different ways of being involved, being shaped, remembering and telling the revolution. "It is about reality being multiple," Geretly says. "There are multiple points of view, and these are the stories that we tend to neither listen to nor tell." That's why it's called "Zawaya" - angles. "People have their reasons even if we don't agree," Geretly says simply. He explains that in this, he always thinks of playwright Anton Chekov for whom "each character has its own logic." Indeed, while none of the "Zawaya" narratives are privileged over others, it is clear where the commitment of the production lies. By chance, at a meeting with friends Atef, who wrote much of the performance, met an army officer, and spoke with him for a few hours. He wrote out a narrative and got in touch with him. After reading the text the officer requested a few changes, for instance the altering of details that might make him identifiable - "This is my salary," he had explained to Atef. The process of collecting the other narratives took place over several meetings. In the case of the Ultras member, he was a friend of Atef. What he witnessed and experienced at Port Said had devastated him - the person next to him had been killed - and most meetings, Atef says, involved tears. He had wanted not a single word of his narrative changed. The challenge was, in a sense, to balance concerns of art with the fact of the narratives' historicity. "We are living through historical times, and these are historical documents," Atef says. When he was writing and editing, he sought to make sure the different aspects of the personality were present, and to maintain, and even bring out, the "internal music" of these narratives. But in terms of heavily interfering, "I would have felt I was exploiting them. Humanly, it was not possible to do that." The "thug" narrative is in fact an amalgamation of six different stories, and the name given to the character who speaks the narrative is that of one killed in a personal feud in the early days of the revolution. Atef then took the stories of the remaining five, and blended them together. One of them worked with the actor, Atef instructing the actor to pay attention to how he spoke and to his manner. From a working-class neighborhood, Atef knew the men. Each spoke, linking seemingly disparate things together, and there was something chaotic about it, he says. What was interesting though, Atef felt, was them asserting their presence. They talked about the 18 days, and all the major events since, asserting their role in them - this, and the chaotic way of thinking, are reflected in the final text. In the narrative, the "criminal" asserts that he was in Tahrir Square for 11 days, and the remaining days part of a popular committee in the neighborhood. Atef thinks the one who told him this wanted to assert that he was in the square throughout, but knowing that Atef had seen him in the neighborhood, could not. In the narrative, the narrator talks about seeing people take money to chant in favor of Mubarak and attack protesters. Atef knows, however, that actually he did not see them; he was one of them. The form of storytelling has a strong and yet ambiguous relationship to "truth," history and art. The character asserts again and again that he is reformed - he no longer steals or breaks the law. But he also locates the source of his wisdom in his criminal street experience. This tension, Atef said, was present in the case of all five. What comes across most in the narrative is this effort to assert himself as someone knowledgeable, as someone whose knowledge and experience cannot be discounted by society, and as a participant. The army officer lives and works in Suez where, Atef explains, violations were committed less by the military than by the police in the period following Mubarak's fall when the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces was managing the country. Repeatedly throughout his narrative, he describes the then-ruling military council as "treasonous" and "treacherous." Atef explains that the officer wanted to distance himself from the actions of the military council. He would even come home to find his wife watching television, increasingly critical of the SCAF. And so, he attempts to make himself clean from their crimes. It was a sensitive moment, Atef says, when it was pointed out to the officer that some people from within the army did take a position, referring to the 8 April officers who remain imprisoned since 2011. The officer's response made it into the final text: those officers were stupid, because "being right is not enough, you also need wisdom and good sense." In this way, the officer distances himself from the military council and their crimes, as well as providing himself with a justification for not naming them as crimes. And he protects his job: "Don't believe everything you hear, even what I am telling you," he says toward the end of his narrative. A comment not just on storytelling, here he implies that even he would not swear by the truth of his own narrative - you cannot hold him to his word. Popular memory In a sense, these stories are repositories of popular memory. In the narrative about the events of Port Said in February 2012, which left over 70 Ultras Ahlawy dead, we hear not just the anger and the horror. We hear also about the calmness, the disbelief, the numbness, and the details of the moment. This is also what storytelling offers, an attention to detail, a sort of return to the lived experience. The narrative ends with blaming security services for the massacre, as many revolutionaries do. But he also blames the Masry Ultras, as the Ultras Ahlawy do. But the latter tends to be elided in many revolutionary narratives that do not themselves come from the Ultras. These narratives of popular memory thus pull against the streamlining and enveloping of stories to fit with the concerns of a larger narrative. In the account of a woman visiting a hospital on 29 January 2011 in Alexandria, the narrator makes sure to remember and articulate the names of the dead that she saw that day. This belaboring of the names, as she looks to the side grasping for the full name, is a reminder: we must remember. A woman with large calm eyes tugs at Alia's sleeve, beckoning her to come. The woman had already told her that her son was dead, but as she takes her to him, she tries to wake him as if he were sleeping. Eventually, Alia says to her, "Your son has died a martyr." She then doubts herself, as she is not sure if this is a revolution for him to be a martyr. And in this sentence, she points to the significance of revolution narratives. For the meaning of the death of a son derives not only from the details of his life, but also the broader thing of which they are a part: revolution. People make meaning and struggle to come to terms with the loss they have experienced over the past two years, in part by relating their loss to a larger story, the story of a revolution that looks forward to bread, freedom and social justice. The Ultras member came to the performance last week. His narrative was first. Emotionally overwhelmed and moved by the audience's reactions, he left before the end of the performance. He later said to Atef that initially he hadn't understood why his narrative had been collected, but now he did: "so that people do not forget." Performances of "Zawaya - testimonies from the revolution" will be held 27-30 December at 8 pm at Al-Warsha Theater Group Premises, Apartment 8, 17 Sherif Street, downtown, Cairo.
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151 |
2013-01-02
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-security-forces-separate-port-said-students-ultras
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The Interior Ministry has announced that it has managed to separate students and ultras after clashes near the Port Said University dorms. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Police have also surrounded the dorms to avoid further clashes between the Al-Masry Club's "Green Eagles" ultras and students supporting Al-Ahly club, which erupted after Ahly supporters sprayed graffiti insulting Al-Masry supporters. Hundreds of people suffered injuries during the clashes, which drew in bystanders and saw all sides hurling stones and Molotov cocktails at each other. Student supporters of the Ahly Club took to the roof of the dorms and pelted passers-by with stones and Molotovs while raising red T-shirts with the number 22 written on them, in a reference to Ahly Club player Mohamed Abu Treika. Dozens of people were transferred to Port Fouad Public Hospital, and police fired tear gas canisters at bystanders and inside dormitories. One canister was thrown inside the Canal Company's building for navigational constructions on the Suez Canal's eastern side, affecting hundreds of employees. Central security forces and police troops eventually moved back to areas around the dormitories after withdrawal. Unconfirmed news reports said that local university students detained four people, including two Al-Masry Club ultras and two Port Said security personnel Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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152 |
2013-01-10
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ahly-fans-mobilize-sentencing-football-violence-trial
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Hardcore football fan group Ultras Ahlawy is mobilizing supporters to rally for the court sentencing of defendants accused of killing more than 70 fans at a Port Said football match last year. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Seventy-five defendants were charged over their alleged involvement in the rampage that followed a premiere league match in the Port Said Stadium between the Ahly and Masry teams on 1 February. The ultras said in a Facebook post that mobilizing a demonstration outside the court on 26 January, when the verdict is expected, will take time. In several cities, the group is showing video screenings of the violence that followed the fateful match, and graffiti - some reading "retribution or chaos" - can also be seen in many neighborhoods calling for people to show up on the day of the trial. "Glory for the martyrs," reads the title of a statement the group is distributing to the public. The statement describes the Port Said events as a massacre in which "young men were killed, their only fault chanting against a corrupt regime." Less than two months before the match, ultra Mohamed Mostafa was killed during protests outside the cabinet building, after which the group became more vocal with political chants against the then-ruling military council. The group claims this was one of the reasons behind the attack on Ahly fans. "The Port Said massacre has never been about hooliganism as the media portrayed it, but all evidence shows it was a conspiracy carried out by several parties, police, armed forces and Port Said fans," the statement read. The group also announced yesterday a Tahrir Square vigil planned for 18 January ahead of the trial date. Families of the victims will attend, the group statement said, calling on anyone who believes in their cause to join them. Port Said Criminal Court began considering the case on 17 April, convening at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns.
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153 |
2013-01-11
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-protest-port-said-victims
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Dozens of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); protested in front of the Helwan metro station on Friday to demand justice for the 72 Ahly fans killed in the Port Said Stadium massacre last February. Protesters raised banners that read: "Finding the perpetrators is not the end, behind each killer lies a mastermind," and "26 January is comeuppance [day]." They also distributed a statement demanding the support of the Egyptian people on 26 January outside the Court of New Cairo, when the verdict in the trial of the accused killers of the Ahly fans is due to be delivered. "We are waiting for a fair ruling that cures the hearts of the people and makes us believe that justice is possible in Egypt," the statement said. More than 72 Ahly fans were murdered in a match between Ahly Club football team and Al-Masry Club team in Port Said after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacke their rivals. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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154 |
2013-01-13
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-preparations-elections-and-revolution-anniversary
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Daily papers Sunday run news relating to the preparations for the upcoming parliamentary elections, the issuing of historic court verdicts pertaining to the ousted Hosni Mubarak regime and the Shura Council, along with plans for the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Topping the news is the Court of Cassation's verdict today regarding the appeal filed by Mubarak and former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly against the life sentence issued in June by the Cairo Felonies Court. According to the state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper, the Court of Cassation is due to rule today on whether Mubarak and Adly may appeal their 25-year prison sentences in light of the killings of protesters during the 2011 uprising. This court is also to issue its verdict as to whether it will accept another appeal to the verdicts issued against Mubarak - and his sons Alaa and Gamal, along with escaped business tycoon Hussein Salem and six senior police chiefs who had served under Adly - in regard to the exports of gas to Israel, abuse of authority for personal gains, and the killings of protesters during the 2011 uprising. Al-Ahram mentions that South Cairo Criminal Court is still looking into the corruption case filed against Alaa and Gamal Mubarak regarding the sale of Watany Bank and profiteering from this sale, until February 9. In other court-related news, the independent Al-Tahrir newspaper runs a headline reading, "Revolutionary forces call for mobilization to protect the Supreme Constitutional Court during its verdict session regarding the Shura Council," the upper, consultative house of Parliament, which has recently been granted legislative powers by the new Constitution. A subhead in Al-Tahrir explains, "Constitutional court to determine fate of Shura Council Tuesday," when it is set to rule on the constitutionality of the election of this parliamentary body. According to "a legal expert" quoted in the paper, there is a large possibility that the court will rule against the Shura Council, as it did with the People's Assembly (the lower, legislative house of Parliament) in June, especially given that they were both elected according to the same flawed regulations. The independent Al-Watan newspaper runs a headline reading, "Revolutionaries plan to protect constitutional court." The paper adds that revolutionary (opposition) forces will embark on "marches to the court tomorrow" and will also form "human cordons around the court." The article explains that revolutionary forces will participate in these actions after Islamists and loyalists of the now-ruling regime had camped outside this court late last year, and allegedly kept judges from entering the court. If the Shura Council is not dissolved by the Supreme Constitutional Court Tuesday, then it will begin finalizing the parliamentary elections law this week. The independent Youm7 newspaper reports on the top echelons of army generals and their "refusal to allow those fleeing from military service (conscription) to nominate themselves to Parliament" for at least 10 years from the date of pardon for this crime. Youm7 mentions that top generals insisted that this regulation be added to the parliamentary elections law being prepared by the Shura Council. "Today, the Shura Council discusses the parliamentary elections law," reads a front-page headline in the Muslim Brotherhood's mouthpiece newspaper, Freedom and Justice, named after its political party. Meanwhile, a group of Coptic Christian politicians have recently been calling for a 10 percent quota in the next Parliament to be set aside for Copts. Al-Watan reports that these calls have been made to boost this minority's political representation and to keep Copts from being marginalized. Calls for this sort of so-called positive discrimination have been made to allocate a seat or two from each electoral circuit for Christian candidates, as this religious group is said to constitute around 10 percent of the population, but is not accordingly represented in Parliament, the politicians say. In other related news, the liberal opposition Al-Wafd newspaper writes that "11 conditions to guarantee free and fair parliamentary elections" were stipulated by the opposition coalition known as the National Salvation Front. These conditions include: complete judicial supervision, with a judge for each ballot box; voting over the course of two consecutive days; allowing each candidate's representatives to inspect vote counting and tallying in polling stations; and allowing civil society groups, NGOS, lawyers and media to enter and report on the voting process. Further conditions include: stamping ballots with official stamps; criminalizing the use of houses of worship for electoral campaigning; granting women slots (one per every three male candidates) on parties' electoral rosters; and streamlining the process of complaints and grievances regarding electoral violations through the electoral commission, among other demands. Al-Tahrir newspaper mentions that, other than these 11 demands, the National Salvation Front is "calling for the establishment of a new government" - a neutral and representative government - "upon the issuing of the new parliamentary elections law." The independent Al-Shorouk newspaper mentions these same 11 demands, and adds that the front is calling for "protests in all of Egypt's city squares on 25 January" to commemorate the second anniversary of the revolution. Al-Watan runs a headline reading that President Mohamed "Morsy's regime prepares for January storms." According to this paper, Morsy has called on the Interior Ministry to beef up security - especially around the presidential palace, Tahrir Square, the Cabinet, Parliament and embassies - and to be on high alert on 25 and 26 January, in case of scuffles or instigated violence. Al-Watan mentions that the Muslim Brotherhood and other pro-Morsy Islamists will commemorate the 25 January revolution outside the Raba'a al-Adawiya Mosque in Nasr City to avoid confrontations with anti-Morsy protesters camped in Tahrir Square and the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace in Heliopolis. The article also mentions that the Brotherhood chose this protest spot "as it is close to the presidential palace," whereby they can march on the palace to protect it from destructive protesters, if need be. Al-Watan also reports that Morsy will deliver his presidential address on 25 January from the nearby Nasr City Conference Hall. This paper also mentions that the hardcore football fans known as the ultras for Ahly football team will organize protest marches Friday to Tahrir Square under the title "Friday of the Massacre," to commemorate the deaths of at at least 72 football fans at Port Said Stadium in February. A court verdict regarding this deadly football violence is scheduled for 26 January. Al-Watan reports that there is a likelihood of violence and scuffles between the Ultras Ahlawy and the Port Said Masry Club ultras, the two groups involved in the February violence, regardless of whether a verdict of acquittal or indictment is issued for those accused of being responsible for the deaths. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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2013-01-16
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/making-city-home-redefining-public-art-between-state-businesses-and-people
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Artist Omneia Naguib wants to "occupy the sky" by moving the familiar language of the street - imprints of political posters and common graffiti motifs - onto the grandiose billboard spaces typically reserved for those with power and money. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters are placing eye patches, a symbol of their injuries, on the Qasr al-Nil lion statues, and pedestrians seek shadow underneath them or shower in a fountain in one of Cairo's roundabouts. The domineering vision of the state and private corporations of what constitutes public art has opened up since the January revolution began. Activists, residents and artists alike are all negotiating public space and art to send out their messages, connect more closely with their communities or simply feel at home. Here, a group of our staff writers and contributors present you with some of the narratives of these people, their successes and failures, and how they are gradually re-appropriating their city. Informality brings on a new urban order By Omar Nagati and Laura Cugusi On the first anniversary of the 25 January revolution, thousands of protesters carried the Martyrs Obelisk, a massive construction to commemorate those killed in clashes with police and military forces, from Shubra all the way to Tahrir Square. This act can be seen as a ritual of bestowing sacred meaning to "ground zero," and replacing the Square's representations of former political and aesthetic orders. The January upheaval was a revolt against decades of the state's steady de-legitimization and repression of modes of expression that have been emerging in working-class neighborhoods and "informally" reshaping popular culture and space boundaries. Public space became a site of contestation between formal yet decaying orders, and new approaches to expression and spatial organization that are still in the making. Adding anti-state stickers on state-made lampposts, covering nude sculptures with blankets and deeming them inappropriate, resting in the arms of a statue, or picking a sculpture as a landmark for street vending are all manifestations of this alternative urban order, as are the proliferation of street art and new means of artistic expression. Public art in Egyptian cities has been often conceived from the position of state actors to propagate a nationalist message and create an "aesthetically pleasing" environment. But non-state actors, such as protesters, residents and artists, have a different vision, which even extends to the way they interact with existing monuments. Downtown streets, which are seemingly awash in a sea of chaos, are also being reconstituted spatially and aesthetically through the small but cumulative acts of peddlers and street vendors, each redefining their domain from "inside out" as the city as whole is restructured. A short history of public art Mostafa al-Razzaz, artist and former assistant dean of the Helwan University Faculty of Art Education, says the history of public art in Egypt falls in three main phases: the colonial movement at the turn of the 20th century; Arab nationalism and state-sponsored art through the 1950s and 1960s; and the neo-liberal shift and regional cultural influences brought about by migration to the Gulf, from the 1970s onward. Khedive Ismail's modernization plan included the construction of European-inspired boulevards radiating out of squares, a symbolic break with the ramshackle old center of the city. In a public statement, he proclaimed: "My country is no longer in Africa; we are now part of Europe. It is therefore natural for us to abandon our former ways and to adopt a new system adapted to our social conditions." Modern public art such as statues, fountains and decorative street furniture started to appear in the early 1900s, influenced by European and American cities' beautification projects. After the 1952 revolution, President Gamal Abdel Nasser sought to reshape the country's post-colonial identity. Through socialist-style architecture, modern and industrial interior design, new infrastructure and landmarks that appeared in squares, road junctions and near strategic sites, the look of the city changed irreversibly. Another shift occurred with the privatization era that started with former President Anwar Sadat. In the process, the unfolding public art reflected intersections of new forms of nationalism, capitalism and religion. "Many Egyptian engineers migrated to the Gulf and when they returned, they imported a new aesthetic sense inspired by Saudi Arabia's public design style, which often chose to reproduce inanimate objects in large scale, also to avoid representing the human figure," Hafez Shawky, professor at the Helwan University Faculty of Fine Arts, explains. Representing human figures is forbidden in radical Islam. Moreover, the economic shift over the past three decades transformed public space into a source of revenue for corporate businesses and harnessed public art as an advertising-generating tool. Whether it is a fountain with spouting dolphins or penguins, a nationalist hero, or a miniature of an ancient temple, what matters in advertisers' monuments are the corporate logos' scale, proportion and strategic location. The monuments' designs remain almost irrelevant to the commercial messages they convey and their environments. Allowing commercial agents to take over public space can also be seen as "informal," as it lies in a tangle of bribes and contractors' deals with governmental authorities that tend to close an eye on legal restrictions. Hence, public art became instrumentalized to impose an urban configuration informed by neo-liberal economic policies and corruption, where appropriation of public space through the power of capital became the message - a statement of power. A future for the people While the process of informalizing city structures could be traced back centuries, the popular revolt ushered new manifestations of how city streets, public spaces and symbols are re-appropriated. At the entrance of Misr University in 6th of October City, one is greeted by a large artificial rock formation reminiscent of Mount Rushmore. Of the four sculpted figures, Hosni Mubarak surmounts the hilltop; the other three - Nobel Prize laureates Sadat, writer Naguib Mahfouz and scientist Ahmed Zewail - occupy a less prominent status. In 2011, Mubarak's nose and face were smashed and covered with sprayed insults. The act of vandalism, while not as dramatic as the toppling of Saddam Hussein's statue in Baghdad, is still highly symbolic. The victorious, papier-mache human fist in Tahrir and the speakers protesters attached to the Talaat Harb Square statue to amplify the chants of protesters who gathered in the square are also emblematic. Such phenomena show people's need to create tangible symbols that express positive values, a sense of belonging and unity - ones that can become a legacy for future generations. They show how, at a historical moment of transition, a redefinition of the role of culture as a function of a transformed and a transforming vision of the present and of the future unfold. A Japanese deity in Fustat By Helen Stuhr-Rommereim After three years studying in Japan, artist Rania Fouad felt she needed to find a way to reconnect with her city. To her that meant intentionally working with an inaccessible image like Jizo, a deity of Japanese mythology. She painted it on a tree in the Cairo neighborhood of Fustat, employing traditional Japanese methods of painting - gilding, mixing paints with dye and glue - and, over four long days, created a small, intricate image of an unfamiliar god. Fouad chose to employ such a time-consuming process because she wanted to force herself to be present in an unfamiliar neighborhood. She knew the figure she was painting, a god that is outside both Christian and Muslim theology, would be potentially problematic for many people. "I thought there would be a lot of misinterpretations, but this is the state that I wanted to express," she says. She spent her time talking to children on the street, explaining what she was doing, and experiencing little stories while standing. The time spent on the street was more important than the image. Reconsidering communications By Helen Stuhr-Rommereim Artist and freelance photographer Enas Abu al-Komsan created an image she hoped would encourage acceptance and understanding between divergent populations in Egypt. She, however, worked in a didactic mode, painting two images: one of a secular young man holding the hand of a veiled woman, the other of an unveiled girl in a skirt holding hands with a young, bearded man in a galabeya. Komsan placed her images in Maadi, Zamalek, and in Tahrir Square. After one day they had all been destroyed. "I was disappointed," says Komsan, "I felt that people in Egypt do not understand art." But the destruction of her few posters shows that a handful of people in Egypt did not understand or simply disagreed with her art. The posters were large and imposing, and she placed them in only a small number of locations at a moment when presidential elections and the verdict of Mubarak's trial were stoking tensions in the city. The burden is on the artist to understand her audience, and find a way to actually communicate. Now, Komsan is considering various adjustments to size and image that could help her speak more clearly. Lions look within By Jenifer Evans The four bronze lions guarding Qasr al-Nil Bridge, huge but easy to climb, have long been a prime location to pose for photos. Putting an eye-patch on one of them was a simple DIY gesture that turned the lions and their bridge into pro-revolutionary monuments. Eye wounds were one of the most common injuries of the uprising and subsequent protests. The soft white patch symbolized the state's weakness, angering those in power who could not protect public monuments, even in the most prominent of locations. Other statues - like those of Talaat Harb and Om Kalthoum - also got eye-patches, but the small bandage on Henri Alfred Jacquemart's sad but dignified lion most poignantly symbolized the state's destruction of the nation's pride, its mutilation and killing of heroes. Compared to 6th of October or Gamaa Bridges, with their cafes and vendors, pre-2011 Qasr al-Nil was one of the more strait-laced of Cairo's bridges, a short narrow touristy one near a number of official buildings. It was just used for getting from A to B, or for romantic strolls. But, it has been reclaimed as a more flexible and free space since the uprising, in which it played an important role. The vendors that sold refreshments and flags to protesters never left. Motorbikes mount the pavements, and policemen rush up, slightly too late to stop boys diving off the bridge. If you were president By Helen Stuhr-Rommereim From the beginning of developing his project, artist Amado Alfadni knew he needed to find an unimposing visual language, because he hoped that people would respond and interact directly with the poster he was creating. He went through a long series of designs for his ultimately very simple poster: a mostly blank sheet of paper that poses the question "If you were president, what would you do?" After looking at a few designs made by friends, Alfadni says, "I wondered, how would people in my neighborhood [Abbasseya] react to that? Or how would it look in an ally in old Cairo?" In the end, he chose something with minimal design elements, with text in hand-written calligraphy, that would blend in with the kinds of handmade signs and posters found in neighborhoods like Abbasseya. Alfadni was looking for a direct conduit between himself and a wide swath of the public, and he was largely successful because as he designed and distributed his posters, he kept in mind the nature of the neighborhoods he was working in. He tried to be a part of their distinct visual environments. Walls are no barriers By Jenifer Evans When the construction of eight walls across various streets in downtown Cairo began in November, ending speculation about army trucks mysteriously carrying around huge cement blocks, there was a surprising lack of outrage. Even though this desperate attempt to control public space compounded traffic problems, forced businesses to close and required people to take massive detours, the people seemed to grudgingly accept the inconvenience. After all, they were much more solid than the short-lived wall built outside the Israeli Embassy earlier that year. But if people are used to bizarre decisions from above, they are also used to turning a humiliation into a creative opportunity. They quickly drew and wrote over the walls. Some climbed up and stood atop them. Others formed a "Drawing Through Walls" project to reopen the streets by visually removing the walls, painting trompe l'oeil scenes on them. The Ultras Ahlawy painted a revolutionary mural on a previously insignificant corner that had suddenly filled with traffic, and therefore audience members, due to the detours. People wrote articles and drew cartoons that used the walls to symbolize the military's failure. A Gizean waterfall By Mai Elwakil On a sunny, humid July day, the octagon-shaped fountain in the small Kit Kat roundabout was flowing with water as usual. The traffic policemen at the opposite checkpoint were on duty and pedestrians gathered by the nearby Nile-view Cinderella cafeteria. Everything seemed to be proceeding as usual. President Mohamed Morsy's election campaign posters still lined the fountain's beige porcelain exterior, though the edges were scraped off by the intense sun rays. Suddenly, a group of children showed up for a swim. Some dived into the fountain in their swim trunks. Others, wearing their shorts, simply splashed one another with the fresh water, which offered a perfect refuge from the scorching heat. Many residents of the working-class Giza neighborhood of Imbaba could not afford to take a trip to the beach this summer. A few passers-by objected to the spontaneous act, reminiscent of the famous fountain scene from the 2002 adaptation of "Scent of a Woman," starring comedian Adel Imam. But the children were not bothered, and many families were happy that their children could enjoy the cool water in the fountain, once built by the state for purely decorative purposes. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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156 |
2013-01-18
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-thousands-ultras-arrive-tahrir
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Thousands of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); members marching from Shubra arrived in Tahrir Square late on Friday afternoon, followed shortly thereafter by a march from the Ahly Club, arriving via the Qasr al-Nil Bridge entrance. Marches from Al-Fatah Mosque and Ramses Square are also currently headed to the square. Ultras from Cairo and across the governorates planned the mass rally to demand justice for the martyrs of the Port Said Stadium massacre that occurred almost a year ago. The protesters chanted against the Interior Ministry, accusing its leaders of responsibility for the Port Said Stadium massacre, and raised banners demanding justice for its victims. Several passersby and travelers heading to Ramses Station showed solidarity with the protesters, some even chanting with them. A fourth march of thousands of Ultras arrived in Tahrir from Sayeda Zeinab earlier in the afternoon, raising the flag of the Ultras Ahlawy and and banners demanding punishment for the murderers of the victims in Port Said. "If your son was the victim, you would not have ignored the case," the protesters chanted, along with other slogans and songs against the police. Other banners read: "You who is asking why we came here, do you know why [they] died?" A stage was set up in the square. Protesters played Quranic verses, followed by Ultras Ahlawy songs. A number of protesters distributed a statement calling on people to mobilize outside the court on 26 January, the day a verdict is scheduled to be issued in the case. The Ultras announced their planned rally in a statement on Thursday, saying that the protest would be a "rehearsal for the day of decisiveness." They planned to meet outside the Ahly Al-Jazeera Club and then march together to the square at 3 pm, the statement continued. Ultras from other governorates would head immediately to Tahrir. Group leader Mohamed Tareq denied rumors that the Ultras had made a back room deal with the Muslim Brotherhood and Freedom and Justice Party. "This is not the case; some Brotherhood figures have decided to show solidarity and promised to stand by our side," Tareq told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Several revolutionary movements, including the Popular Current and the April 6 Party, said they would also participate in the protest. Tahrir remained calm as of Friday morning prior to the marches' arrival, amid stricter security measures by protesters at entrances to the square, which were closed by popular committees. By late morning there were over 100 tents in the middle of the square, belonging to independent protesters and members of Constitution Party and Wafd Party. Dozens of banners were hung up demanding justice for the victims. More than 72 Ahly fans were murdered in a match between the Ahly Club football team and Al-Masry Club team in Port Said on 1 February 2012 after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacked their rivals. Seventy-five defendants have been charged with responsibility for the rampage. The Port Said Criminal Court began hearings in the case on 17 April, convening at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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158 |
2013-01-20
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/interior-minister-port-said-defendants-will-not-attend-verdict
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Negotiations have been taking place with the Port Said court panel to issue the verdict in the Port Said football violence case on 26 January without any defendants in attendance to prevent a riot. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim said that the court had also made an agreement not to transfer the suspects in the case from Port Said to Cairo. Seventy three defendants, including nine officials from the Port Said Security Directorate, are involved in the case, also dubbed the "Port Said massacre" by some media outlets. Following a football match between the visiting Ahly Club and Al-Masry Club last February, a large crowd stormed the pitch and attacked Ahly fans, resulting in 72 deaths. The court has also reported decided to ban media from publishing news on the case. Protests took place in Port Said Saturday with protesters demanding that defendants not be transferred to Cairo. The protests included former members of Parliament. In Cairo's Tahrir Square, Ultras Ahlawy members protested Friday demanding retribution for victims of the violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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159 |
2013-01-21
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/football-league-resume-play-might-not-have-audience
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Stadiums might be empty when premier league football matches resume on 2 February, as the league awaits the issuing of a new draft law on hooliganism, said Egyptian Football Association googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); head Gamal Allam. "The law on hooliganism will only see the light after all the fan clubs have expressed their opinion," Allam told the Shura Council's Youth and Sports Committee on Monday, reported state-run news agency MENA. "We cannot raise the level of football and sports in Egypt without changing the system in which we operate," he continued. Association member Mohamed Hafez said that Egypt is significantly behind FIFA when it comes to regulations. It's key to change the system governing sports in the country and give more attention to building sports infrastructure in underserved governorates, he added. The Ultras Ahlawy refused to attend the Shura Council meeting to give their opinion on the hooliganism bill, while the Ultras groups supporting Zamalek, Ismailia and other teams rejected the draft law submitted by the government. They claimed it was incompatible with the rights and freedoms of soccer fans. The Premier League was suspended in February after 72 Ahly fans were killed following a match between Ahly and the Port Said-based team Masry. The league's activities have been halted more than once due to Ultras Ahlawy protests against resuming play before anyone has been brought to justice for the Port Said killings. The court is scheduled to issue a verdict in the case on Saturday 26 January. Over 70 defendants, including nine police officers, face charges of killing and inciting the killing of Ahly fans. Edited translation from MENA
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160 |
2013-01-21
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-protest-alexandria-suez-ahead-port-said-verdict
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Hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); staged protests on Monday outside the Alexandria Security Directorate, a few days before the scheduled verdict in the case of the Port Said Stadium massacre that left 74 dead and hundreds injured. "We are giving the authorities a final warning," said Mohamed Ali, the group leader. "We know what to do if the trial is manipulated." Similar protests were also organized Monday evening in front of the Suez Governorate headquarters, after dozens of Ultras marched the streets of the city. They demanded revenge for the Port Said martyrs. Security forces intensified their presence around the building. In Port Said, thousands of the rival Al-Masry Ultras besieged the city's prison, threatening to start a sit-in to prevent authorities from transferring the defendants to Cairo to hear the verdict. Public prosecution spokesperson Hassan Yassin told Al-Masry Al-Youm that Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah has given new evidence in the case to Port Said Criminal Court, which is overseeing the trial "It's up to the court to accept the new evidence," Yassin said, adding that the evidence in question is based on a report from the fact-finding committee formed to investigate the violent clashes that took place after the 25 January revolution. More than 72 Ahly fans were murdered in a match between Ahly Club football team and Al-Masry Club team in Port Said on 1 February 2012, after Masry fans stormed the pitch and attacked their rivals. Seventy-five defendants were charged over their alleged involvement in the rampage. Port Said Criminal Court began hearing the case on 17 April, convening at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns. The court is expected to issue its verdict in the case on Saturday 26 January. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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161 |
2013-01-22
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/public-prosecution-claims-have-new-evidence-port-said-case
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The Public Prosecution has said that it has new evidence regarding the Port Said football violence, which it is forwarding to the Port Said Criminal Court Tuesday, according to prosecution spokesperson Hassan Yassin. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); However, a judicial source has said that the court will ultimately decide whether or not to accept the new evidence. The court is trying 73 suspects for murder in the aftermath of last year's violence in Port Said after a Premiere League match between Al-Ahly and Al-Masry, in which 72 people, almost all Ahly supporters, were killed Meanwhile, thousands of Al-Masry fans besieged the Port Said stadium in protest of authorities' plans to transfer the defendants to Cairo for the verdict. The move was announced in order to prevent possible rioting after the verdict was read. "If there is insistence to transfer the defendants to Cairo, you should expect a big massacre and victims on both sides," said one member of Ultras Green Eagles, a group of hardcore Al-Masry fans. "We have written our wills and will fight for the rights of our comrades." However, Mohsen Rady, Port Said's security chief, stressed that the Interior Minister's assistant for public security told him the ministry remains adamantly against transferring the defendants to Cairo, as agreed with the Justice Ministry. The head of Port Said's Lawyers Syndicate, Safwat Abdel Halim, said 46 lawyers are awaiting security measures to be adopted for their safety against threats by Ahly fans. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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162 |
2013-01-22
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-stage-rally-outside-alexandria-court
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Hundreds of the Ultras fans and supporters staged a rally outside the Alexandria Court complex in solidarity with 40s arrested after clashes that broke out on Sunday following the refusal of the Alexandria Court to issue a verdict at this time in the case of policemen accused of killing protesters during the revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters shouted slogans demanding release of those arrested, marching from the court to the tomb of the unknown soldier in the Manshiya area. Security was tightened around the court and reinforced with central security troops and vehicles. The prosecution's office in Alexandria ordered the detention of 31 of the defendants for four days, pending investigation into clashes between the security forces and protesters on Sunday outside the Alexandria Criminal Court. The defendants are charged with destroying and burning two police cars, injuring two conscripts and hurling stones at security. The remaining nine were arrested on charges of storming the courtroom. Clashes erupted before Alexandria's First Instance Court on Sunday among security and demonstrators, who were protesting in solidarity with families of the revolution's injured, as security prevented them from attending the session.
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163 |
2013-01-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/prosecutors-claim-new-defendants-port-said-case
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The request to enter new evidence and charge additional defendants in the Port Said football violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); case after closing arguments is not politically motivated, a Public Prosecution deputy has said. The Port Said Criminal Court has heard the trial of 75 defendants accused in the deaths of 72 people following an Ahly-Masry football match last year and was expected to issue a verdict Saturday. The trial has been held at the Police Academy in Cairo due to security concerns. Tamer Seoudi, first attorney general in the prosecutor general's technical office, said in a statement Wednesday that the prosecution request asking the court's permission to take the stand again is not intended to preempt protests planned for 25 and 26 January. The Ultras Ahlawy football fan club has staged sit-ins around Cairo calling for a swift verdict and is mobilizing its members to attend the ruling Saturday. Seoudi added that the prosecution has nothing to do with political developments. Seoudi said Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah has had less than two weeks to review a report from the fact-finding committee tasked with investigating the football violence. The report implicated new suspects, including former officials, businessmen and some security authorities, prompting the prosecution to ask to reopen arguments in the trial, Seoudi said in a statement. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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164 |
2013-01-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/stock-market-gains-us123-million-week
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The stock market googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); rose this week by US$123 million amid a weak performance as investors fear consequences of the upcoming 25 January revolution anniversary and football fans' protest at the stock exchange headquarters. The main index, EGX 30, rose by 0.4 percent, gaining 28 points to reach 5,689 points. The capital market gained LE900 million, reaching LE381.6 billion. Mohsen Adel, managing director of Pioneers investment funds company, said the ultras' protest Wednesday increased pressure on the stock market and caused investors to be more cautious. The Ultras Ahlawy, a hardcore football fan group, protested outside the exchange headquarters ahead of a verdict scheduled Saturday in a case against defendants accused of involvement in football match riots last February in which 72 Ahly team fans were killed. Adel said the stock market wasn't only affected by the ultras' protests, but also by the liquidity shortage and fears of consequences of the revolution's second anniversary. "We were negatively affected by Moody's credit rating putting Egypt on review, as well as consequences of deal by Dutch company to buy local shares of Orascom Construction Industries," he added. Orascom said Friday that OCI NV is a Dutch company that follows it, and that it would buy the shares for LE280 each or grant shareholders' shares of the Dutch company, in case the selling of the shares was refused. Edited translation from MENA
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165 |
2013-01-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-and-security-forces-clash-sharqiya
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Dozens of hardcore football fans known as ultras blocked the railway in Zagazig in Sharqiya Governorate Wednesday evening, demanding retribution for the Port Said football violence googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); last year, with ensuing clashes continuing into the night. Victims' families joined the Ultras Ahlawy. Security forces tried to open the road by force, and the two sides threw stones at each other. Sharqiya security forces imposed a security cordon around the Zagazig train station in Oraby Square. The ultras' protest comes days before a court is set to give a verdict in the court case over the football violence. Seventy-two Ahly team fans were killed and hundreds were injured on 1 February when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. At Wednesday's protest, demonstrators used fireworks that fell on street vendors around the station, leading to clashes between the protesters and vendors. The parking lot adjacent to the station was emptied, leading to a traffic jam and transportation shortage. Security forces are trying to negotiate with ultras leaders to keep them away from the station and allow trains to pass. Port Said Criminal Court has set Saturday for the sentencing in the case, in which more than 70 defendants, including nine police officers, face charges for killing or inciting the killing of ultras members. Some have speculated that the court may adjourn the case due to new evidence announced by the prosecutor general. Ultras Ahlawy, in a statement published on their Facebook page, described this as an attempt to postpone the case and hinder the ultras' cause. The Zagazig protests coincided with Ultras Ahlawy demonstrations in Cairo and other cities around the country Wednesday. In Cairo, protesters blocked traffic and a metro train. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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166 |
2013-01-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-protest-second-consecutive-day-0
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Hundreds of Zamalek's White Knights ultras protested for the second day at the Alexandria court complex googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Wednesday, demanding the release of a fellow group member who is being held pending investigations over the burning of a court building. The ultras, a group of hardcore football fans, chanted slogans, demanding freedom for their fellow ultra, Omar Hesham, and the release of other suspects pending investigations. The protesters accused the media, judiciary and Interior Ministry of corruption, and called for a march to Mansheya Square in Alexandria. The Borg al-Arab Appeals Court will review the cases of Wednesday whether to release or renew the detention of 40 suspects arrested Sunday over the burning and damage of Alexandria Criminal Court. They are accused of rioting after a judge Sunday recused from reviewing a case on the killing of protesters during the 25 January revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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167 |
2013-01-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-ultras-protest-downtown-cairo-block-metro
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Days before a court is set to rule in the case over last year's football violence, Ultras Ahlawy protested at several landmarks in Cairo, starting at the stock exchange building and heading to Tahrir Square by mid-afternoon after blocking a metro train. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Dozens of the ultras - hardcore football fans who have played a significant role in revolutionary protests - blocked the Marg-Helwan metro line Wednesday afternoon by "sleeping" on the metro tracks, state news agency MENA reported. The ultras lit flares at the Saad Zaghloul metro station and chanted against the Interior Ministry, calling for retribution for their fellow members who were killed during violence at a football match in Port Said in February. The nearby Tahrir metro station became overcrowded with passengers, who asked officials to intervene. But security responded by saying that they were outnumbered by the protesters. Metro administration used loudspeakers to ask passengers to leave the station to prevent friction between the two sides. Abdallah Fawzy, chairperson of the metro company, said that trains would be diverted due to the protest. Earlier in the day, the ultras had protested outside the stock exchange headquarters in downtown Cairo. Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah referred a report to the Public Prosecution, accusing some Ultras Ahlawy members of besieging the building. The report, filed by Khaled al-Nashar, deputy stock exchange chairperson, said that besieging the stock exchange headquarters hampers the operation of a vital establishment and threatens national security and traders' safety, potentially impacting the economy, MENA said. But the stock exchange chairperson, Mohamed Omran, had said the exchange would not suspend trading because of the sit-in. A criminal court is expected to issue a verdict in the case Saturday for 75 defendants charged with involvement in the rampage that left 72 dead following a match between Ahly and Masry football teams on 1 February. The Ultras Ahlawy had held several protests outside government buildings and is encouraging people to attend the court ruling at the Police Academy in Cairo. Omran had said he was surprised the football fans had chosen to protest in front of an establishment as vital as the stock market, adding that he trusts they will keep their protest peaceful. Stock market officials have recently undertaken several measures to address similar situations, including implementing new tools that allow employees to work from other locations, Omran said in statements to the press. The sit-in, however, could prevent some administrative work if employees are unable to enter the building, the chairman added. Omran said he had contacted the relevant authorities to monitor the situation. Edited translation from MENA
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168 |
2013-01-23
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/wednesday-s-papers-new-port-said-evidence-old-regime-prison-diaries
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As the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution approaches, headlines about protest martyrs and the Port Said massacre take front and center in most newspapers this morning. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Al-Shorouk leads with "An arms-smuggling mafia is behind Port Said Massacre." Ahead of the anticipated trial verdict Saturday, prosecutor Mohamed Rashwan reportedly claims that new evidence proves the sad events of Port Said were planned by a fireworks- and arms-smuggling mafia. The weapons used during the attack were hidden in a location close to the stadium, in collusion with police officers who have been charged in the case, he alleges. Rashwan also asserts that the dissolved National Democratic Party had nothing to do with the killing of 72 people following the Port Said football match last year. The attorney stated that the police officer in charge of securing the eastern side of the stadium has also been added to the list of officers facing charges because investigations alleged he left his post at half-time. State-run Al-Akhbar leads with a presidential decree stipulating that "the Port Said martyrs are counted among the martyrs and the injured of the revolution." A judicial source said yesterday that a fact-finding committee tasked with looking into the case did not uncover any new evidence in its recent report. The government-owned newspaper also writes that the families of those killed, as well as the Al-Ahly Board of Directors, thanked President Mohamed Morsy for his declaration. Mohie al-Bagoury, the father of one of the victims killed in Port Said, said the decision, although late, has comforted bereft families and provided definite proof that the killings were premeditated and the victims were not merely the fatalities of some unfortunate event. However, an Ultras Ahlawy member, declining to give his name, said that the ultras group was confused over the timing of the release of new evidence in Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah's report, issued five days before the final verdict and presented after final arguments had already been heard. The source said the group would consult with legal experts to assess the impact of that information. Party paper Freedom and Justice writes "the court will decide whether to accept or refuse the new evidence," quoting Public Prosecution technical director Hassan Yassin as saying they are waiting for a reply. Zakaria Abdel Aziz, head of the Judges for Egypt movement, said that the court has the right to accept or refuse the Public Prosecution's new evidence. Member of the government's fact-finding committee Mohsen Bahnassy said that the evidence, which accuses new suspects, could potentially affect the verdict. Independent newspaper Al-Shorouk leads the final episode in a series about what former officials are doing behind bars. "For each convict, a paid servant," reads the headline. In his final interview with the paper, Mohamed Hamdoun, deputy head of the prison sector, said that former Interior Minister Habib al-Adly is always alone and spends his time walking and reading the Quran. The same applies to Alaa Mubarak, who rarely talks to anyone except his brother Gamal Mubarak, as both spend most of their time inside the prison mosque. Hamdoun said that many elderly prisoners from the former regime have appointed servants among their younger fellow prisoners; the servant performs various chores in return for a few pounds put in the prison's safety deposits. Hamdoun added that no strong relationships tie the prisoners together and most of them spend their time alone, especially Zakariya Azmy, Ahmed Ezz and Fathy Sorour, who reportedly visits the dental clinic fairly often. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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169 |
2013-01-24
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/25-january-one-anniversary-two-commemorations
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While still both recognizing the ongoing struggle for bread, freedom and social justice, the Muslim Brotherhood and its political party on one side and the opposition on the other will mark the second anniversary of the 25 January in two very different ways. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); As the Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party launch a service campaign to commemorate the anniversary, opposition groups are calling for nationwide protests against the "Brotherhoodization" of the state, among other demands. In a news conference Tuesday, the Brotherhood and the FJP launched a campaign titled "Together We Build Egypt," which entails offering free healthcare services, renovating around 2,000 schools and attempting to alleviate economic burdens by setting up markets that will sell goods at wholesale prices. Campaign official Mostafa Ghoneim called on "all sons and daughters of Egypt, who were together as one in the revolution, to start building Egypt - working together again - so this homeland may take its rightful place among the countries of the world, and to provide a great model of civilization building." He also urged businessmen and civil institutions to participate in the campaign. On the other hand, opposition groups have called for nationwide protests to mark the revolution's second anniversary, reiterating demands for bread, freedom and social justice, as well as fighting the "Brotherhoodization" of the state. At a news conference last week at the Journalists Syndicate, 16 political groups said they would participate, including the Dostour Party, the Popular Current, the Kefaya movement, the April 6 Youth Movement Democratic Front and the Free Egyptians Party. The National Salvation Front also announced plans to participate, listing a set of demands including the drafting a constitution that guarantees a democratic system for a civil state, retribution for the revolution's injured and martyrs, as well as the achievement of economic development by better managing national wealth and natural resources. They call for realizing the concept of "citizenship" and eradicating discrimination based on gender, religion, color or race, and achieving equality by respecting women's rights as well as guaranteeing free and fair elections. In a statement earlier this week, the NSF said that two years in, the Muslim Brotherhood's mistakes and limitations have accumulated, leading to the deterioration of the economy and amplifying people's sufferings, and affected national and internal security and curtailed freedom. Said Sadek, commentator and political sociology professor at the American University in Cairo, forecasts that Friday will be a "cocktail of reactions." With the Muslim Brotherhood's campaign and the opposition planning on taking to the streets, and others planning on just staying put, Sadek explains that it remains unclear which side will prevail. "The day can pass peacefully or it can turn violent, but we still don't know because revolutions are unpredictable," he explains. "It is still not over in Egypt, it's like an earthquake with an aftershock." Under tyranny, "you know what to expect, but with revolutions, it is hard to tell," he adds. Only days before the verdicts in the Port Said football violence and 25 January, President Mohamed Morsy issued a decree to consider the massacre's victims among the revolution's martyred and injured. Sadek says this was a strategic decision in attempt to absorb the ultras' anger before the verdict and the anniversary. Ultras organized a roving protest around Cairo Wednesday and threatened to escalate if justice is not served. According to Ikhwanweb, the Brotherhood's English-language website, Ghoneim explained that the campaign extends until 22 February and will be followed by similar initiatives. "We have focused our efforts on three major projects, including healthcare for a large number of citizens. They begin with providing service to approximately 1 million patients during the first month," Ghoneim said at the news conference. "In the first phase, we are also targeting maintenance, restoration and beautification of about 2,000 schools ... . There is also a project entitled 'Easing the burden on Egyptian households,' which focuses on setting up big flea markets with the help of various charitable organizations and major malls, selling goods at wholesale prices," he said. Sadek says the Muslim Brotherhood is playing the stability card with their campaign, juxtaposing that with the protests scheduled for Friday to improve its image. "They want a split screen on the TVs, one side showing protests and the other showing them offering services only to say 'see, we want stability and development and they want chaos'," Sadek says. He explains that Islamism depends largely on social, political and economic conservatism, making its main base the countryside and squatter settlements. "This is what their campaign revolves around development, because they target these people," he says. "Why did they choose to launch this campaign now? Why not a month ago?" The Brotherhood, however, says it recognizes that the revolution has a long way ahead, with the campaign paving the way. "Two years in, some of the revolution's objectives have been achieved, but there is still a lot yet to be achieved. The Brotherhood and the FJP, together with patriotic groups and movements are endeavoring to accomplish all these goals," Mahmoud Hussein, secretary general of the Muslim Brotherhood, said at the news conference. Ammar Fayed, Brotherhood member and political researcher, agrees, but says the group is avoiding confrontation at all costs on 25 January. "The anniversary of the revolution calls for taking to the streets since its objectives are not yet fully achieved; however, the Muslim Brotherhood is choosing not to do that to avoid any kind of confrontation with opposition forces," he explains. Fayed says the group has no problem with the scheduled protests on Friday, and that if it weren't for the congestion and the risk of altercations, the Brotherhood would have been in the squares too. He says that while the group respects the right to protest, he dismisses calls for bringing down Morsy. "Morsy was elected by a legitimate vote. If we call for ousting anyone we don't like, we will reach a vicious cycle," he says. "If Morsy leaves, another president will come and others will object to him too." He maintains, however, that even though there might be streets presence in the form of medical convoys, for example, they will avoid any places where protests are held. One thing is certain though, Sadek says, no matter what happens, 25 January 2013 will ring in a turbulent year for Egypt on the economic, social and political levels. "Even if Friday passes peacefully, Egypt won't live happily ever after," he said.
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170 |
2013-01-24
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/25-january-protests-start-thursday-night-continue-friday-across-nation
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Activists and political forces are planning a series of marches for the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution, to kick off after Friday prayers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Under the slogan, "The revolution continues until its goals are met," the marches will start across Cairo and Giza and head towards Tahrir Square and the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace. Mass demonstrations are also planned across the governorates. The Constitution Party, the Socialist People's Alliance, the Egyptian Democratic Party, the Adl Party, the Free Egyptians Party, the Tagammu Party, the Wafd Party, the Karama Party, the Democratic Labor Party and the Egyptian Communist Party have all announced that they would participate in Friday's marches. Activist groups and revolutionary parties planning to participate include the April 6 Youth Movement, the Popular Current, the National Association for Change, Kefaya, the Free Front for Peaceful Change, the Second Revolution of Anger, the Union of Revolutionary Youth, the Maspero Youth Union and the Revolutionary Forces Alliance. In East Cairo, marches will assemble at Nour Mosque in Abbasseya and Sa'a Square in Nasser City, and then head to the presidential palace. The Constitution Party is planning two marches; one that will head to the palace from Matariya and Ain Shams University, and another from Maraghy Mosque in Helwan that will head to Tahrir. The Egyptian Social Democratic Party plans to lead marches to Tahrir from Al-Azhar Mosque, Shubra Zawya al-Hamra, the Virgin Church and Mostafa Mahmoud Mosque in Mohandiseen. In Haram, the Second Revolution of Anger plans to demonstrate in front of the Giza Governorate building, in addition to participating in other marches around Cario. The Socialist Popular Alliance Party is planning a protest called "Down with the state of the Brotherhood" that would march from Imbaba to Tahrir. They plan to carry banners with statements against the economic policies of the dissolved National Democratic Party, which the SPAP says are still practiced by the Muslim Brotherhood, leading to worsened poverty in the country. The party established a control room for its freedoms and legal support committee to help demonstrators, if subjected to any legal violation. Marches in Cairo may start as early as Thursday night. The Second Revolution of Anger plans to team up with the Ultras Thawragi for a protest called "The Last Rehearsal," or "The call to overthrow the regime," said a statement issued by the movement. The groups plan to start at Mohamed Mahmoud Street, march through downtown and then return to Tahrir to begin a sit-in on the morning of 25 January. In Alexandria, two marched will start at the Two Saints Church and the East City Mosque, and head to Al-Qaed Ibrahim Square. In Kafr El-Sheikh, the Constitution Party, Kefaya and April 6 are planning a march starting at the Stadium Mosque, while the Popular Current and Karama Party are planning a march to start at Sidi Talha Mosque. Other mass demonstrations are planned to take place in Maqzoub Square in Assiut, in front of Rahma Mosque in Port Said and in front of Fath Mosque in Zagazig. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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171 |
2013-01-24
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/green-eagle-ultras-storm-suez-canal-port-threaten-shut-down-waterway
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The "Green Eagle" Ultras in Port Said who support the Masry Club stormed the tourism gate of the city's main port on the Suez Canal googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); on Thursday. The group shot off fireworks, chanted and sang demanding "a just verdict in the case of the Port Said Stadium massacre." They marched on the port for half an hour before exiting from Gate 1. "This is a message that we can break into the port and disable the Suez Canal, the most important world waterway, not just the subway," a group member told Al-Masry Al-Youm. He was referring to the Ultras Ahlawy protests in Cairo on Wednesday. Ultras Ahlawy members had besieged the stock market building, marched through the metro system's tunnels and blocked the 6 October Bridge, a vital thoroughfare in Cairo, to demand retribution for the victims of Port Said massacre. Seventy-two Ahly team fans were killed and hundreds were injured on 1 February 2012 when Port Said's Masry supporters stormed the pitch after a rare victory over Ahly. Port Said Criminal Court has set Saturday 26 January for the sentencing in the case, in which more than 70 defendants, including nine police officers, face charges for killing or inciting the killing of Ultras members. Some have speculated that the court may adjourn the case due to new evidence announced by the prosecutor general. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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172 |
2013-01-24
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursday-s-papers-25-january-starts-early
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Days ahead of the 25 January revolution's second anniversary googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , Thursday's papers report on ultras' protests yesterday as a preview of the larger demonstrations expected Friday to commemorate the start of the revolution. The football fans group staged day-long protests demanding justice for their fallen comrades who died when chaos broke out during a football match in Port Said last year. State newspaper Al-Ahram reports on the ultras' protests with criticism of the group for cutting off roads and for the state for not stopping them. The paper leads with the headline, "The ultras paralyze Cairo traffic and trains in the absence of the state." Demanding a final verdict in the Port Said Stadium violence case, the ultras surrounded the stock market building and blocked a metro line and the 6th of October Bridge. Considering the ultras' protest the first signs of the rage that will be displayed on the revolution anniversary Friday, the papers lay out the plans of the opposition and the Muslim Brotherhood for the day. Privately owned newspaper Al-Shorouk reports that a Muslim Brotherhood source said the ruling group plans to have gatherings close to the places of protest Friday, ready to intervene in case the protests turn violent. The paper also reports that while opposition forces plan to stage large protests demanding the dismissal of the Cabinet and the dismantlement of the Islamist-dominated Shura Council, Islamists plan to demonstrate in commemoration of the revolution, warning of an Islamic revolution to counter attempts to overthrow the current legitimacy. Islamic columnist Fahmy al-Howeidy writes in Al-Shorouk, "Let the Muslim Brotherhood stay home." In his column, Howeidy asks the Brotherhood not to demonstrate in the streets Friday to avoid chances for clashes with opposition groups that could turn violent. In what it calls a special and historic issue, opposition newspaper Al-Tahrir dedicates its issue to proving the Brotherhood has sold out the revolution. The paper starts with a list, stating, "How the Muslim Brotherhood betrayed the revolution in four steps." The paper says the Brotherhood first negotiated with the past regime prior to its downfall, then won elections at the expense of revolutionaries. The third step, according to the paper, was killing terrorizing and killing revolutionaries, then finally capitalizing on the blood of the martyrs to win more elections. The paper then, assuming that its views are shared by the masses, announces, "Why everyone discovered the lies of the Brotherhood." The paper's answer was that the Brotherhood insisted to continuously tell naive and obvious lies that gave them away. In contrast, the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party highlights the positive ahead of the revolution's anniversary. The paper headlines its front page, "Egypt is changing." Throughout the issue, the paper lists all the aspects in which Egypt has enhanced, in its view. In politics, the paper states that the number of parties has doubled. In economy, it mentions increased pensions and wages that prove the economic policies have been serving citizens. The paper states that Egypt has reclaimed its leading regional and international role. And in media, the paper says the government has allowed unlimited criticism of itself. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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173 |
2013-01-24
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-saturday-decisive-many
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Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); called on "whoever still believes that blood is not cheap" to gather at 8 am Saturday outside the Police Academy, where the trial of those accused of killing 72 members of the football fan group is scheduled to be held. The group said in a statement on its Facebook page that "26 January will be a decisive day in the lives of many people, and might be the last day in others' lives." "Being late is not allowed, as this day for sure no excuses can be acceptable," the statement said. "It has been nearly a year since the most atrocious massacre in the history of sport occurred, a massacre planned by the military council dogs, and carried out by the thugs of the Interior [Ministry] in conjunction with a stupid and murdering audience," the statement added, referring to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which ruled the country at the time of the events last year. The violence broke out last year on 1 February at a match between Ahly and Masry football teams when Masry fans stormed the pitch after their team's victory and attacked Ahly fans. But many, including Ultras Ahlawy, have at least in part blamed security forces for the violence. "Marches, sit-ins and protests have not stopped, and the tears of mothers have not yet dried up, after they have lost the most precious and irreplaceable thing they owned," the statement said. The ultras implied in their statement that the 72 members of its group died because "they changed against a regime that did not give value to blood." Ultras played an instrumental role during the 25 January revolution, as well as protests during the transition period. Ultras Ahlawy said other group members were ready to lose their lives. "[Saturday] may be the last day in the life of other people, people who are pursuing their rights even if it costs them their lives." It said those who "masterminded" the attacks "have no choice but death," and concluded with a call to join their protests: "Come down, mobilize and participate, and the rights cannot be lost. Glory to martyrs." The statement comes after Ultras Ahlawy escalated their demonstrations Wednesday, blocking a metro train and the 6th of October Bridge, and protesting outside the stock exchange. A court is scheduled to issue a verdict in the case Saturday. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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174 |
2013-01-25
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/clashes-erupt-alexandria-protests-0
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Two districts in Alexandria googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); were overrun by violent clashes Friday, between protesters decrying President Mohamed Morsy, the Interior Ministry and the "Brotherhoodization of the state," and security forces and local residents. Injuries in the coastal city were among the hundreds reported nationwide. The day began with thousands marching from east Alexandria to downtown. The Muslim Brotherhood did not participate in the demonstrations, instead organizing charitable activities throughout the city. Calm prevailed in most neighborhoods. In the morning, protesters blocked the corniche and the metro lines in front of Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque. The roads reopened again after they left. After Friday prayers at the mosque, where controversial Sheikh Ahmed al-Mahalawy was absent this week, two more marches headed to the local council. Prominent political activists and several ultras youth participated, and were joined later by thousands more. Protesters clashed with security forces outside the council building for several hours, hurling rocks and Molotov cocktails as security personnel responded with tear gas. Some protesters headed to the court in the Manshiya district, chanting, "Go means leave, and don't say no," "The people want to bring down the regime," "The Interior Ministry remains the same: thugs, thugs," and "Down with the rule of the supreme guide." In Manshiya, residents and shop owners clashed with protesters. Security officers closed the police station with iron chains and shot tear gas at the protesters, who retreated temporarily only to return in even larger numbers. Security forces outside the criminal court fired gunshots into the air to disperse protesters who they said were attempting to storm the court. Both groups threw rocks at each other, injuring many, until Central Security Forces separated the two sides. Protesters then joined their counterparts at the local council. Shop owners in the area closed their establishments. The activists who had planned the council protest denied they had anything to do with the attempts to storm the court. Masked youth dominated the scene both around the court and the council. It was unclear if they wore the masks to hide their identities or to avoid inhaling tear gas. In the afternoon a massive march kicked off from Sharq al-Madina Mosque headed to downtown. They chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Interior Ministry and Morsy. They raised images of the martyrs of the revolution and demanded justice for their deaths. The Black Bloc protesters besieged an apartment building in the Al-Qaed Ibrahim area where TV channel crews had set up their cameras. They demanded the Al-Jazeera Channel crew leave, accusing them of bias and distorting the truth. Residents in the building safely got the crew out of the building two hours later. The Health Ministry reported several injuries from the clashes, ranging from respiratory damage due to tear gas, to cuts. They denied reports of injuries from birdshot or live ammunition. No deaths were reported. The protests in front of the local council continued into late Friday evening, with the number of demonstrators steadily increasing. Anas al-Qady, the Muslim Brotherhood's Alexandria spokesperson, said in a statement: "We organized today 63 charity fairs, 49 medical convoys, eight festivals for youth employemnt providing 6,000 jobs, 23 campaigns for paving streets ... and 16 campaigns for gardening, painting sidewalks and walls." He added that about 130,000 Alexandria residents would benefit from these campaigns. "This is the difference between the Muslim Brotherhood's commemoration of the revolution, and other forces which claim to be civilian, but [commemorated] the revolution by burning and spreading violence and chaos," the statement said. He accused the opposition of "political bankruptcy and attempting to stage a coup against legitimacy."
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175 |
2013-01-25
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/port-said-trial-verdict-prove-decisive-both-sides
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googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Promises of "retribution or chaos" are sprayed in graffiti on the walls of central Cairo and its metro stations, signed by the Ultras Ahlawy ahead of 26 January, when a decisive verdict in the Port Said massacre is due. In February 2012, members of the Ahly football fan club were attacked by fans of Port Said's Masry club and, some say, a group of unknown assailants, after the Egyptian National League game between the two teams. Out of all the violent incidents that took place during the country's transitional military rule after President Hosni Mubarak stepped down, the Port Said massacre brought the highest death toll. Since then, most football activities in Egypt have been suspended and in recent days, ultras members have escalated protests demanding retribution. The verdict is expected just a day after the second anniversary of the 25 January uprising. On Friday, the day-long protests commemorating the revolution with marches denouncing the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm and President Mohamed Morsy turned violent at night in cities across the country. At least eight deaths were reported in the city of Suez, according to Al-Masry Al-Youm, and more than 380 injuries were reported nationwide - most in the same city. Despite heightened security, Saturday is likely to be another violent day, and rumors have abounded of a possible delay in the court verdict as an attempt to quell the mounting anger. The Public Prosecution's request this week to reopen arguments and enter new evidence has also fueled speculation. During several protests Ultras Ahlawy protests and on the club's Facebook page, members have pledged that if the verdict does not bring "retribution for the mothers of the martyrs," then authorities should expect the "anger of the ultras and ensuing chaos that will pervade the country." On Wednesday, within the span of about four hours, hundreds of ultras organized a roving protest around central Cairo. They began with a sit-in in front of the old stock exchange building, then blocked a central metro line, and later, they halted traffic on the 6th of October Bridge. The group said in a statement on its Facebook page that "26 January will be a decisive day in the lives of many people." The violence broke out last year on 1 February at a match between Ahly and Masry football teams when Masry fans stormed the pitch after their team's victory and attacked rival fans. But many, including the Ultras Ahlawy, have at least in part blamed security forces for the violence. Ultras played an instrumental role during the 25 January revolution, as well as in mobilizing protests during the transition period. Legal complications From a legal perspective, the case itself is quite complicated, and no matter the outcome, one of both camps will likely be furious. The fate of the 73 defendants facing trial is surrounded by mystery and confusion for the different parties involved: the families of the victims, the people of Port Said and the defense team of the accused. The former group will not accept a verdict short of across the board convictions, while defense attorneys are fighting for acquittals, arguing that the assault on Ahly's fans was carried out by infiltrators from outside the city. Indicators point to a possible delay in the ruling to head off the protest momentum of the ultras and other revolutionary movements, but also for legal reasons, namely the absence of the accused from the courtroom. The interior minister said earlier this week that the court had agreed the defendants would not be transferred from Port Said to Cairo for the verdict in order to prevent violence from breaking out. The judge could also say 'extraordinary circumstances' call for a postponement. On Monday - with five days before the sentencing date - the prosecutor general presented a memorandum requesting that the court consider new evidence, allow arguments to be reopened and add six defendants to the case based on the recent report of a government fact-finding committee. The court now faces several possible scenarios: accept the prosecution's request, in which case the proceedings on both sides would be reopened, or refer the entire case back to the prosecutor general to conduct investigations anew. Another possibility is for the court to reject this new evidence and to issue the verdict according to the proceedings thus far. "This is a major event," saws lawyer and former parliamentarian Mohamed Anwar al-Sadat. "There are political and economic pressures on the country and on the ruling regime. A political maneuver with the aim of avoiding the possibility of angering the people is inevitable." He says that while the prosecutor's request is legally permissible, "the question now is the value of this evidence. It is feared that the introduction of evidence is only motivated by a desire to pressure a postponement in the verdict. I was part of [an earlier] fact-finding committee formed by the People's Assembly [which has since been dissolved] and we did not prove the involvement of any other parties in the case." The prosecution's new evidence came to light after a report submitted in December by a fact-finding committee formed by Morsy last July to investigate violent incidents and protester deaths that took place between 25 January 2011 and 30 June 2012 - the period from the start of the uprising until Morsy was sworn into office. Although members of the committee described the prosecutor general's evidence as weak in statements to the media, they also doubted that their conclusions could be used merely for the purpose of easing political pressure on the regime. Ahmed Ragheb, director of the Hisham Mubarak Law Center and member of the fact-finding committee, told Al-Watan, a privately owned newspaper, "I feel that the decision of the prosecutor general to send the committee's complete report to the court was out of a desire to force the court to repeat the procedures of hearing the case, fearing the reaction that might ensue after the sentence." Taqadom al-Khateeb, a political activist and also member of the committee, says the new evidence may change the outcome. Khateeb tells Egypt Independent: "If there is political will from the side of President Morsy's regime to reopen investigations in the case, I expect new names and facts to be revealed." He refused to disclose the identities of the new defendants or to reveal the content of the new evidence, but according to media reports, defendants include former members of the disbanded National Democratic Party. Port Said Inspector Khalid Mohamed al-Namnam is among nine high-ranking security personnel who top the list of defendants, namely Essam Samak, the head of Port Said's Security Directorate at the time of the tragedy. Those following the case from the start see things differently. Safwat Abdel Hameed, head of the Port Said branch of the Lawyers Syndicate and member of the defense team for the accused, says the evidence in the case has been weak from the start and is insufficient to incriminate the Port Said residents. Abdel Hameed says, "Forensic reports prove that most of the victims died as a result of suffocation as they scrambled to find an exit. This means that there was no intention of murder on part of Masry fans, and that the charge of premeditated murder leveled against them has to be changed to an accusation that has to do with rioting and disturbances or something of the sort." "It could not be proven that there was an agreement among the defendants to carry out the crime that happened on the spur of the moment," Abdel Hameed says. He expects many defendants to be acquitted and a few to receive sentences that range from 10 to 15 years, that is, if there's sufficient proof to tie their attack on protesters to the deaths. "The arrest of the defendants took place days after the match in a random manner and depending on the initial investigations of the police. I don't know why they would include this evidence now, only days before the verdict. The report of the fact-finding committee has been ready for around a month; this is just an attempt by the prosecutor general to postpone the verdict in order to avoid a crisis on the streets of Cairo or Port Said. "It could have been presented by the persecution in the shape of an appeal on Saturday's ruling," he says. Manal Mostafa, member of the defense team for the victims, rejects this view. "One week before the game, there were threats by Masry fans that Ahly fans coming from Cairo will meet their death," she says. "How can you perceive that there was no intention of murder?" She adds that police are also complicit as evidenced by two points. The first is the failure of Central Security Forces to deter Masry fans from going down to the pitch and cross to the Ahly side. The second, and more important, she says, is the conduct of one of the officers. "Mohamed Saad, among the defendants, closed the emergency exit door located behind the seats of Ahly fans before the end of the game for no apparent reason. This act facilitated and accelerated the mission of the assailants and ended the victims' hopes of reaching the emergency exit," she says. The Port Said Criminal Court accepted the request of the Interior Ministry not to transfer the defendants from the Port Said prison where they are currently being held, to Cairo where the trial proceedings have been ongoing at the Police Academy since April, coinciding with the tail end of the Hosni Mubarak trial at the same venue. Families of the defendants are continuing their sit-in in front of this Port Said prison, setting up 40 tents there to guarantee that the ministry does not rescind on its decision to keep the defendants away from Cairo. Ali Spicy, member of the Ultras Green Eagles, supporters of Masry Club, says, "The Port Saidis are not people who commit acts like this. They don't kill anyone. I am sure there are people who infiltrated the crowds. "I was present during the game and I left only a short while before it ended. My colleagues told me that there were strangers sitting among us and that they were the ones who went down to the field to beat up Ahly fans." He adds that any verdict other than an acquittal would result in a request by residents of the governorate for a symbolic secession from Egypt. Ali Mohsen, father of martyr Omar Mohsen, says, "Regardless of the identity of those who committed the murder, the result is that my son is dead and someone must have surely killed him. "I have a feeling that this case will not end this way. If I don't get my son's rights, I will accuse those who were in charge of the country at the time. I will accuse Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi as one of those responsible. I feel that this case is bigger than just the 73 defendants and that something is still hidden. 26 January may just be the beginning of the case."
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2013-01-25
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/two-families-remember-their-martyred-and-missing-sons
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In the second anniversary of an uprising that erupted against poverty, injustice and oppression, demands for the rights of martyrs and those injured continue to resonate at protests. Their families are left to grieve, with no hope of retribution in sight. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Despite the myriad of changes on the political and social fronts, for many of these families, it's more of the same and little can be done to alleviate their profound sense of loss. Meanwhile, more acquittals are granted to police officers implicated in the killing of protesters and violations against revolutionaries, with no genuine mechanism of transitional justice on the horizon. Left behind are memories of lost family members, with the photos adorning the walls of their homes a stark and painful reminder of their loss. Egypt Independent spoke to two families, one whose son is a revolution martyr and another whose son has been missing since the events of 25 January 2011. Two years on, their sentiment is one of bitter anguish and a lingering pain from neglect and the absence of retribution. Hosni Mubarak's ouster, followed by an 18-month transition under military rule, led to Egypt's first elected civilian president in late June, with the passing of a highly divisive Constitution six months later. During this time, protests have continued and clashes have erupted between protesters and security forces, leading to more violence, deaths and disappearances. At the start of every one of these phases - a new ruler, a new Cabinet, a new Parliament - came a spark of hope that someone would be held accountable or some answers would finally be found. That hope is consistently and swiftly doused - a disappointment felt most by the families of those who have lost their lives in the process. 'Morsy deceived us' As Dr. Wafaa, mother of martyr Mohamed Mostafa, killed during the Cabinet clashes in December 2011, awaits justice for her son, she says she was deceived by President Mohamed Morsy. In a televised appearance in June, amid a fierce runoff between Morsy and presidential hopeful Ahmed Shafiq, Wafaa told Morsy in a phone-in to "Akher Al-Nahar" talk show that she would vote for him because she cannot vote for the killer of her son. Thousands listened to the aggrieved mother as she spoke to the Muslim Brotherhood's presidential candidate, who promised that justice would finally be served if elected. Her words and support to Morsy resonated with many ahead of the critical vote. "Do not worry, Wafaa, the right of your son is my personal responsibility," said Morsy at the time. Months later, the broken hearted mother says she was deceived. "We were trapped between the worst two options: Morsy or Shafiq, the Brotherhood or the old regime. But it was Mubarak's military regime who killed my son - I had to vote for Morsy," says Wafaa. "We were deceived by the Brotherhood and we have become a split nation. Morsy is living in a world of his own, a world of his own people and his own tribe," she says nervously in a phone call from Saudi Arabia, where she is currently performing the Umrah pilgrimage. Photos of martyr Mohamed Mostafa are prevalent around the six-story building in Cairo's Nasr City, and when asked for directions, shop owners in the surrounding streets are quick to point out the martyr's house. Graffiti of the 19-year-old engineering student, shot during clashes between protesters and military forces in front of the Cabinet building in December 2011, cover the walls by the stairs leading to his apartment. On the door hangs a photo of him. Inside, pictures of a young and hopeful Mohamed are everywhere you look. "Mohamed was shot on 21 December. I was always checking on him during the clashes. He was shot with a pellet in his arm and leg [and died a day later]," Mohamed's sister, Mayada, says, while standing in his room, surrounded by his clothes and small mementos. "These are photos of him in a swimming competition," she says, flipping through one of numerous photo albums of her martyred brother. "These were his friends, and this photo was the last one before he died - with a new haircut." The family is convinced that the brutal killing of 74 Ahlawy ultras - groups of hardcore football fans who were instrumental during revolutionary protests - in early 2012 at the Port Said Stadium is related to Mohamed's death. "Mohamed was an ultras member. After his death, the ultras community was moved by the tragedy and, for the first time, chanted against military rule at one of the matches before the massacre in Port Said happened," Mayada says. "I'm sure this massacre was a warning to get the ultras to stop intervening in politics," she adds. At the football match in January 2012, Ultras Ahlawy entered the stadium and formed a big picture of Mohamed's face, a poignant moment for the millions watching. "The game was aired live on national TV, and it might be the first time many Egyptians heard chants against military rule," she says. Her mother, Wafaa, says the only choice for Egyptians is to continue the revolution, and adds that making people more politically and socially aware is a prerequisite for any measure of success. "Those who vote for the Brotherhood and are deceived by their propaganda need to be aware of their true face and know that they are no different from Mubarak and the military," she says. "I have given the most precious thing I have: my son. What else can I give?" she asks. For family members, it is the mundane and simple details that tear at their hearts. "Here are new shoes he bought so he could wear them in the cold weather," Mayada says, recounting his plans to visit the US. "These are clothes he'd just picked up from the cleaners." "When I look at pictures, I touch the photo and I feel as if I'm touching his skin. I can feel him around me," Mayada says, clutching the photo album close to her chest, her eyes watery with unshed tears. "We seem strong in front of people and the media, but God knows how we spend our nights." Tales of the lost On 28 January 2011, Mohamed Seddiq, 27 at the time, left home for Friday prayers at the nearby mosque, just like millions of Egyptians do every week. But this was no normal Friday. Seddiq knew something extraordinary was going to happen on that day. He had already decided to go the protests, subseuently dubbed the "Friday of Anger," and planned on actively taking part in the uprising. But when Mubarak stepped down on 11 February, and as millions celebrated in the streets, the mood was very different for Seddiq's family. "On 11 February, the same day of Mubarak's ouster, he called to tell me he'd been arrested. I've heard nothing from him ever since," says Sabah, a mother who has not known the whereabouts or fate of her son for the last two years. "He was going to Friday prayers like everyone else. I knew he was going to take part in the protests, but I never imagined it would be this serious," Sabah tells Egypt Independent. His mobile phone was switched off throughout the 18 days of the uprising and she only heard from him on that landmark day in Egypt's history. Months later, in one of her tireless attempts to call his phone in the hope that he would answer, someone did pick up. But it was not her son's voice. In an angry tone, the voice on the phone said he was a soldier at al-Gabal al-Ahmar Prison. "We will teach you not to revolt ever again," Sabah says the man told her threateningly. She met Morsy two days before the runoff and was promised an investigation into the cases of all missing revolutionaries. "Nothing has happened since. I only managed to find out from police that my son received a three-year prison sentence - but for what and where? I don't know," she says. A campaign called Hanla2ihom, Arabic for "We will find them," has been launched to look into the cases of those missing, whose total number is unknown. Campaign members say those who went missing may have been tried in front of military courts with their cases unregistered. Rights activists say most civilians who faced military trials were randomly arrested by army and police forces and received long prison sentences while their families were never notified. A list of 1,200 missing civilians was sent to former Prime Minister Essam Sharaf for investigation but this inquisition never materialized. What's more, the list of missing persons has never been updated, even though more disappearances were reported during the Mohamed Mahmoud and Cabinet clashes in November and December 2011. Families complain about the lack of transparency and cooperation from security forces. While they toured prisons around the country, they still have no access to their children. Rights activists say forced disappearances are a violation more severe than murder. As time drags on, families of the missing wait in anticipation for their return, amid a mix of hope, fear and pain.
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2013-01-25
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-least-nine-deaths-reported-armed-forces-deployed-suez
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At least eight deaths were reported in the Suez Governorate late Friday, as well as one death in Ismailia, according to medical and security sources in the area, after protests there turned violent on the day marking the 25 January 2011 uprising, where the first martyr also fell in Suez. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Reports say armed forces have been deployed in Suez to secure strategic institutions. Armed Personnel Carriers and army vehicles were sighted in the governorate. Sources told Al-Masry Al-Youm that six protesters and two security forces have been killed in the clashes. Officials also said 280 people have been injured in the city, according to Reuters. There are also reports of a death in Ismailia, raising the death toll to nine in two governorates. The Health Ministry has reported only seven deaths, and more than 450 injuries in separate governorates. There were calls for major protests in Upper Egypt, Nile Delta and the North Coast, including the governorates of Aswan, Qena, the Red Sea, Assiut, Minya, Gharbiya, Kafr al-Sheikh, Damietta, Daqahlia, Suez and Alexandria. By mid-afternoon, protests quickly turned violent in cities across the nation. Numerous injuries have been reported nationwide and clashes are ongoing in Suez, Alexandria and in Cairo's Tahrir Square. Hundreds of protesters stormed the front gate of the Kafr al-Sheikh Governorate headquarters on Friday evening. They demanded that the head of the governorate's security directorate hand over the building completely, or they would escalate their actions. The protesters said a revolutionary committee would take control of the directorate. They also demanded that Kafr al-Sheikh Governor Saad al-Husseiny, the FJP's former MP of the dissolved Parliament, step down, and chanted anti-Brotherhood slogans. Meanwhile in Suez Governorate, 12 police officers were injured in the ongoing clashes between protesters and security forces, said Suez Security Directorate head Major General Adel Refaat. Clashes continue to escalate in the area on Friday evening, as police forces fire barrages of tear gas canisters and protesters set fire to car tires. Earlier in the day thousands flocked to Arbaeen Square after Friday prayers, chanting slogans against the Brotherhood. Heightened security measures were implemented around government institutions there. The protests quickly turned violent when hundreds of demonstrators allegedly tried to storm the governorate headquarters in the afternoon, pelting security forces with rocks. Police responded by firing tear gas canisters into the crowd. Hit-and-run operations between the two sides continued throughout the day outside the municipal building and in the surrounding streets. Demonstrators chanted, "Bread, freedom, the president lost legitimacy," and held banners reading: "Two years since the revolution, and Egypt still needs another revolution," "The Brotherhood gave up the cause," and "The revolution continues." Dozens stormed the FJP office in Damanhur, capital of Beheira Governorate in the Delta. Protesters smashed the contents of the office and tore down its banner, then hurled stones at the Central Security Forces to prevent them from approaching. Hundreds of protesters also clashed with security forces near President Mohamed Morsy's home in Sharqiya on Friday afternoon. Protesters hurled Molotov cocktails and rocks at the police, who responded with tear gas. Violence also broke out in Ismailia when hundreds stormed the FJP's headquarters in Ismailia City. They reportedly destroyed the office's entrance, then ripped apart the furniture and computers and threw them into the street. Security forces fired tear gas to disperse the protesters, causing some to be hospitalized for suffocation. In Beni Suef Governorate, protesters blocked the railways, causing a complete halt of train traffic between Cairo and Aswan. Similar incidents occurred in Gharbiya Governorate, in the cities of Mahalla and Kafr al-Zayat. After Friday prayers in North Sinai's Arish City, hundreds gathered in front of Al-Refaei Mosque to demand the fall of the regime and the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide. Protesters chanted against President Mohamed Morsy and the Brotherhood, proclaiming that the revolution would continue until the goals of the revolution are achieved. They condemned the government's alleged "begging and resorting to Qatar." Islamist forces began to clash with the protesters, until bystanders intervened and convinced the Brotherhood supporters to leave the mosque. Protests also transformed into violent confrontations in Alexandria Governorate by Friday afternoon. Ambulances have transferred dozens of injured protesters to hospitals from the area surrounding the Kom al-Dikka municipality building. Security forces have been engaged in violent combat with protesters there, who were allegedly trying to storm the municipal building. Reported injuries include suffocation from heavy clouds of tear gas fired by the Central Security Forces and wounds resulting from stone throwing battles. There are also reports of birdshot injuries. Attacks and retreats between police and protesters continue in the streets surrounding the building. Also in Alexandria Governorate, in Manshiya, hundreds of protesters reportedly besieged the court complex. Al-Ahram reported that gun shots were heard inside the complex. Security forces have been stationed around the area. Protesters also allegedly tried to storm the Manshiya Police Station, Al-Ahram said. They hurled stones while police, trapped on the building's roof, fired gunshots into the air. Earlier this afternoon in Alexandria, masked protesters stopped the trams as they prepared to set the stage for a mass demonstration. The protesters identified themselves as the "Ultras Freedom Eagles," and said this was just the first of many escalating actions they would take today. There were about 10 of the protesters, each wearing black masks. They used traffic control barricades to block the tram lines. Another group of masked protesters dressed in black also blocked the corniche in Alexandria, forcing traffic to reroute. A similar group calling itself the Black Bloc made its first appearance in Cairo on Thursday. They appeared in black outfits and masks, and clashed with police forces at Qasr al-Aini Street. The group stated that it would target the police if they used violence against protesters. A number of political forces announced an open-ended sit-in in Al-Khaledien Garden in front of the Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque in Alexandria to demand the fall of the regime, and denounce what they called the Brotherhoodization of state. The Congress Party, Tagammu Party and other political movements are participating. Protesters set up two tents, claiming that there numbers would increase after prayers. They stressed they would not break up their sit-in before their demands are met. Dozens gathered outside the mosque to check the ID cards of those coming to join the sit-in. An ambulance was present, but as of Friday morning there were no police in the area. Sources close to Sheikh Ahmed al-Mahalawy, the mosque's imam, said Mahalawy would not deliver Friday sermon because he is recovering from mouth surgery. Furthermore, the source said, Mahalawy had wanted to deliver the sermon, but some advised him not to in order to prevent clashes. A number of activists and political forces in Alexandria announced on Facebook they would stage several protests and marches, including a march from Sharq al-Madina Mosque opposite the Two Saints Church, and a march from Bakous district. Elsewhere, three different marches from different areas in Ismailia arrived at the central Mamar Square this afternoon. Protesters chanted, "Down with the supreme guide's rule" and "people want to topple the regime." In Mansoura, the capital of Daqahlia Governorate, six marches kicked off after Friday prayers. Hundreds of protesters chanted against the regime and demanded immediate policy reform, particularly concerning the economy. The Dostour, Strong Egypt, Nasr and Popular Current parties led four marches, while the April 6 Youth Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists led the other two, chanting "one hand." The atmosphere became tense when one march passed a Muslim Brotherhood-sponsored fair handing out food to celebrate the revolution. "We are here today to celebrate the anniversary of the revolution, and make it clear to the government that things are still as they were before the revolution," said Ayman al-Diasty, chief of the April 6's media committee. All six marches converged at the Martyrs' Square in the center of Mansoura by 4:30 pm, joining almost 3,000 protesters who were already in place. Dr. Mohamed Ghoniem, a well-known surgeon and founder of the Ghoniem Nephrology Center, refused to give a speech, saying: "We're all here today as equals, and we all know the purpose of our presence." The surrounding protesters cheered and chanted, "The people want to bring down the regime." However, protesters in the square did engage in a debate about their actual goal - whether it was the complete fall of the regime, or just the dissolution of the Cabinet, which could be replaced with a technocratic one. "The liberals still don't have a candidate for the presidential post," said Mohamed Adel, an activist. He claimed that even if the Brotherhood did step down from power, they would end up being reelected, as the majority of the people weren't informed about other options. Protester Nada Tarek discussed the results of the presidential election, saying "Hamdeen Sabbahi and [Abdel Moneim] Abouel Fotouh both got a lot of votes. I'm not saying that we have to elect one of them, but I'm trying to clarify that when the people have the choice now that they know how the Brotherhood acts when in charge, they will make sure to take the right decision." The debate was interrupted by more chants as protesters prepared to divide into two groups to march through Mansoura again. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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2013-01-25
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-prosecutor-general-forms-team-investigate-violence-sabotage-friday-demos
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Two years ago today, Egyptians took to the streets to protest the oppressive regime of former President Hosni Mubarak, demanding bread, freedom and social justice. When protests began on 25 January 2011, there was no intention to topple Mubarak, but the demands quickly grew larger, snowballing over the 18 days of the revolution. The protests were organized over Facebook by youth with no political affiliations. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Today, Egyptians are taking to the streets again with the same demands. No one can predict the outcome of today's protests, which will likely continue into tomorrow as the Ultras Ahlawy protest the verdict in the Port Said massacre trial due to be issued Saturday. Protests were initially called for by the National Salvation Front, headed up by Nobel laureate Mohamed ElBaradei, a prominent reform advocate and founder of the Constitution Party. The call to protest targeted the Muslim Brotherhood's domination of politics. Opposition groups accuse the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party of replacing the now dissolved National Democratic Party - the former ruling party of the Mubarak regime. After a day filled with clashes, attacks and the alleged storming of government buildings across the nation, Prosecutor General Talaat Abdallah ordered investigations into reported acts of violence and sabotage. Hassan Yassin, official spokesperson for the prosecution, said that a team of 15 prosecutors has been formed to investigate all reports submitted to the authorities. Violent clashes erupted Friday evening on Mohamed Mahmoud Street after protesters hurled Molotov cocktails near the Interior Ministry, setting fire to part of a building adjacent to the ministry. Security forces intensified their barrage of tear gas in an attempt to disperse the protesters. At the same time, dozens of protesters blocked the Corniche in front of Maspero, the state television building. Traffic was halted as protesters chanted slogans demanding the media, judiciary and Interior Ministry be purged of corruption. The presence of security forces around the building intensified in anticipation of potential violence. They fired tear gas to disperse the crowds. Several news outlets also reported that protesters blocked the metro system and were standing on the tracks, halting trains at Saad Zaghloul, Sadat and Gamal Abdel Nasser. Despite calls for peaceful protest, violence has punctuated the demonstrations throughout the day. Mohamed Sultan, head of Ambulance Authority, said Friday evening that at least 110 people were injured in today's clashes across the country. Magdy Abdel Atif, editor of the Muslim Brotherhood's Ikhwan Online website, alleged an unidentified group stormed the website's headquarters in downtown Cairo on Friday evening. He claimed the attackers were "paid terrorists" who smashed all the computers and technical equipment in the office. The website team moved to another location to continue working. Abdel Atif accused the Interior Ministry of negligence in their failure to protect the headquarters, although it was the object of a similar attack two days ago. Earlier in the afternoon, unidentified assailants allegedly stationed on the roof of that same building where Ikwhan Online's office is located attacked the march from Shubra to Tahrir as it approached the square. The assailants threw Molotov cocktails and stones down at the protesters. Some demonstrators were allegedly armed and responded with gunfire, while others reportedly retaliated by setting merchandise being sold by street vendors in the area ablaze, then preventing security forces from extinguishing the fire. Two protesters were reportedly injured in the altercations. Minor clashes broke out on Friday morning between protesters and security forces at the intersection of Sheikh Rehan Street and Qasr al-Aini Street, state-run news agency MENA reported. Protesters hurled stones at security forces behind the concrete wall at Sheikh Rehan Street. Others tried to intervene to stop the clashes. The clashes refueled in the afternoon. Eyewitnesses told Egypt Independent that police forces fired tear gas canisters at protesters from behind the wall on Qasr al-Aini Street, which the Armed Forces rebuilt on Thursday evening after protesters nearly succeeded in tearing it down. "[Tear gas] canisters fly just over our heads; it's very strong," said 28-year-old protester Alaa Eddin Mostafa. Kareem Abu Zaid, a 28-year-old teacher who joined the protests in Tahrir from a remote village in Minya, told Egypt Independent that "the revolution has been hijacked. We want to complete the revolution's goals." "The situation is getting tougher under the Brotherhood's rule - unemployment is on the rise, and jobs are harder to find," he continued. The Health Ministry announced that at least four have been injured in the Sheikh Rehan clashes, while the Interior Ministry reported that at least six police officers were injured at the scene. The stage for violence had been set when protesters clashed with security forces at the Qasr al-Aini entrance to Tahrir throughout the day on Thursday, injuring at least eight as the demonstrators tried to tear down the wall. Aside from the clashes, major marches kicked off across Cairo and headed to Tahrir after Friday prayers early this afternoon. They began to arrive in the square around 4 pm. Thousands coming from Al-Nour Mosque in Abbasseya poured into Tahrir chanting against the Brotherhood. Protesters told Al-Masry Al-Youm that they decided to participate because nothing had changed since the Brotherhood took the helm of the country. In Mohandiseen, thousands of protesters met at Mostafa Mahmoud Mosque and began marching downtown. They chanted, "Down with the supreme guide's rule," "Shave your beard, show your disgrace, your face will look like Mubarak's." Other chants accused the Brotherhood of selling Sinai. National Salvation Front members Mohamed ElBaradei, Amr Hamzawy, Hamdeen Sabbahi, director Khaled Youssef and Yousry Nasrallah led the march. Sabbahi made a quick exit with his entourage, witnesses reported. Wael Ghoneim was also present. During the march, ElBaradei told Al-Masry Al-Youm that Morsy must listen to protesters' demands, or leave office. There has been no positive progress since Morsy assumed power six months ago, ElBaradei said, which is why today is an occasion for protests and not celebrations. During the same march, Sabbahi said that the people want real social justice, warning that the state must understand that demand or suffer the consequences. Sabbahi said that sacking the current prosecutor general is one of the protesters' main demands, as well as the dissolution of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's Cabinet. The next demand could be bringing down the regime, he added. Morsy has to carry out serious reforms before it is too late, including achieving justice for the martyrs of the revolution, drafting a new constitution and holding parliamentary elections under a neutral Cabinet, Sabbahi continued. Several protesters in the march held flags for Sabbahi's Popular Current party, while others carried posters with pictures of iconic Egyptian women and the El-Setat logo, a symbol of women's rights. Writer Mohamed al-Adl, a participant in the march, said that the protests are peaceful and are intended to bring down the regime. Morsy lost legitimacy after the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace sit-in was broken up by force, Adl argued. Workers' rights lawyer and former presidential candidate Khaled Ali, who joined the march from Imbaba to Tahrir, echoed Adl's contention that Morsy lost face when he allowed blood to be shed in the clashes at the presidential palace. The revolution was meant to bring down an oppressive regime and build a new democratic state that would guarantee social justice - but Morsy has not achieved that, Ali said. He called for the end of the new Brotherhood regime, saying: "Morsy ... kept Mubarak's regime as it is, and has just substituted him with some Muslim Brotherhood members." In addition to the Mohandiseen and Imbaba marches, three different demonstrations left from Sayeda Zeinab Mosque, Fatah Mosque in Ramses Square and Shubra Square. Protesters carried photographs of revolutionary martyrs. Strong Egypt party head Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh joined the march from Istiqama Mosque in Giza to Tahrir after rumors circulated that he wouldn't participate. He gave a short speech to his supporters, and then left briefly due to fatigue. "No party will succeed in dominating the Egyptian state; Egypt is bigger than any faction," he said, adding that those who took to the streets in January 2011 must protest today to see the demands of the revolution through. The march from Istiqama Mosque had splintered into factions, with one group heading to the square while the other waited at the mosque for Abouel Fotouh to arrive. The split came after some members of the Strong Egypt Party objected to other protesters' calls for bringing down the regime and Morsy's removal. Other protesters were angered when Abouel Fotouh was late for the march and decided to leave without him. Doaa Abdel Hady, a member of the Strong Egypt Party's media committee, said Abouel Fotouh was late because he suffered back pain. Some party members decided to go ahead with the march and wait for him in Tahrir. After a period of calm on Thursday night, protesters began gathering in the iconic square early Friday morning, demonstrating first in front of the Mugamma. They chanted, "The people want to bring down the regime," "I am not an infidel; I am not an atheist," "Down with the supreme guide rule," "We either bring their rights or die like them," "Oh president of the republic, where are your revolutionary promises?" and "Oh our homeland, revolt, we do not want a constitutional declaration." Participants demanded retribution for the martyrs, retrials for those accused of responsibility for their deaths, purging the Interior Ministry of corruption, dismissing Qandil's Cabinet, dismissing Abdallah, redrafting the new Constitution, setting minimum and maximum wages and imposing price controls. Some protesters demanded the fall of the regime. Political forces that announced participation in Friday's protests included the Constitution Party, Free Egyptians Party, Wafd Party, the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, April 6 Youth Movement, the Revolutionary Socialists, the National Association for Change, the Kefaya movement, the Youth for Freedom and Justice movement, the Maspero Youth Union and the Union of Revolutionary Youth. Protesters hung banners around the square emblazoned with their demands, such as: "No to the prosecutor general," "No to military trials," "Minimum wage rate," "Religion for God, homeland for all," "No to the Brotherhoodization of the state" and "Bread, freedom, social justice, human dignity." Popular committees guarded entrances to the square, checking the IDs of all those entering Tahrir. Street vendors were present en masse, hoping to earn considerable profits by selling drinks and food to the expected large number of protesters. Islamist forces announced they would not take part in any protests Friday, including the Muslim Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party, Jama'a al-Islamiya and its Construction and Development Party, the Salafi Front and the Nour Party. The Muslim Brotherhood announced they would celebrate the revolution by planting a large number of trees. Edited translation from MENA
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2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/21-port-said-football-violence-defendants-sentenced-death
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A Cairo court sentenced 21 of the defendants in the Port Said football violence case to death Saturday morning. The fate of the rest of the 75 defendants is to be determined in another hearing set for 9 March. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); However, the five senior policement accused in the case were not among the defendants sentenced to death. Shortly before the judge read out the sentence, the court's secretary called the names of the five senior security officers accused in the case, including the former head of the Port Said Security Directorate and four of his aides. However, the policemen's sentences will be announced on 9 March. The five policemen were present in the courtroom at the Police Academy in New Cairo despite earlier statements from sources within the prosecution saying that none of the defendants would show up. The courtroom was already filled with families of the victims, who chanted, "God of the oppressed, give us justice," "we only want justice" and "police are thugs." A source from the Cairo security directorate told Al-Masry Al-Youm that there were strict measures to protect the defendants inside the courtroom, including the deployment of Central Security Forces personnel around the first benches of the court where the defendants' lawyers are sitting. Seventy five defendants are accused in the case of the 72 Ahly football fans whom were killed in the aftermath of a match with Port Said's Al-Masry club in February of last year. The fans of Ahly club, along with several other ultras groups, had threatened to "spread chaos" if a verdict was reached that they didn't consider fair. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm.
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180 |
2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/anger-and-joy-follow-port-said-football-massacre-verdict
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Families of defendants sentenced to death in the Port Said football massacre case attempted to storm the area of the Port Said prison where their sons are incarcerated, Saturday morning, in protest of a Cairo court's ruling the same day. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); A Cairo court had sentenced 21 defendants to death for the killings of 72 Ahly football fans in the aftermath of a match with Port Said's Al-Masry club in February 2012. The ruling for the rest of the 75 defendants is set for 9 March. Police fired tear gas to disperse the families of the defendants and ultras supporting Al-Masry who had gathered around the prison in Port Said. Families heard rumors that their sons were being taken away from the prison, but Ibrahim Soliman, the head of the Port Said prison, attempted to calm them and assured them that there were no plans to transfer them. Other defendants' families and ultras blocked the main Mohamed Ali Street leading to the Port Said Governorate headquarters, while another group blocked the gates of a major textile industrial complex that employs about 20,000 workers. The tension in Port Said contrasted sharply with the scene near the Ahly Club in Cairo, were ultras erupted in cheers following the verdict. Families of those killed in the violence expressed happiness with the ruling. "I only got my son's rights today," said the mother of Islam Mohamed, who was one of those killed last February. Mohamed's mother, who had gathered alongside the Ultras Ahlawy in Cairo ahead of the verdict, thank the group for its support. "If it wasn't for the ultras, we wouldn't get that ruling," she said. "Today, the families of the martyrs can sleep comfortably," said the mother of Hamou Taha, another victim. "Today is the wedding of my son." However, some of the Ultras Ahlawy were not as excited, claiming that the verdict was merely an attempt to calm the political situation after a wave of protests against Muslim Brotherhood rule during the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm.
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2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/eagles-and-white-pinks-make-debut-ettehadiya
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The dramatic entrance staged by a group of masked protesters on Friday at Ettehadiya Presidential Palace was quickly followed by a less than dignified exit after they were berated by women who'd been chanting in front of the palace since the morning. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); At around 5 pm on the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution, dozens marched towards the presidential palace in troop formation, covering their faces in black masks. As soon as they reached the gates, they were entangled in minor altercations with Central Security Forces, after which other protesters turned them away. "Why don't they want us here? We're here to protect them," one of them told the other as they walked away from the crowd. This reporter, along with a few other curious protesters, followed the masked group, assuming they're the elusive Black Bloc we've been bracing ourselves for. "We're not the Black Bloc, we're the Eagles," one of them told me, before he was interrupted by another member, "Eagles! Let's go, we're saying too much." It was clear the Eagles were working very hard to maintain an air of ambiguity. Along with the masks that concealed their identities, everything else remained a mystery. "How many are you?" I asked one of them. "That's not important." "Are there others in Tahrir?" "That's not important." Moving on then. As we walked, one of the Eagles ran into a friend and for a split second forgot he was in disguise and called out his name. "I don't know who you are, your face is covered," his friend replied. "Never mind then," he said, quickly turning away. The group of guys was joined by two girls, both showing their faces. When I inquired for the reason she told me, "Because I'm not scared of anyone." "None of us are," one of the guys interrupted, "We just want to keep our identities secret." The Eagles disassociated themselves from the infamous Black Bloc, but said they're "all one, all fighting for freedom." They were also keen on making the distinction between them and the Green Eagles, the Al-Masry ultras' Port Said arm, "because we don't want to upset the ultras." Another masked Eagle, who said he was still a high school student, said they're not leaving until they enter the palace. "Haven't you always wondered what it looks like from the inside?" he joked with his friend. He also told me the Eagles were only formed today and that they're a group of friends who decided to take to the streets. Our conversation was interrupted again. "Eagles! That's enough talking." A few minutes later, another group of protesters tried to pull away the barbed wire sealing off the palace gates. Some bottle and rock-throwing later, the area surrounding the palace was overtaken by tear gas and disarray. The first round of tear gas succeeded in scaring most of the protesters away, allowing the masked Eagles to strategize and prepare for a series of brief battles with the CSF who were guarding the palace's gates on Ahram Street. The Eagles sporadically hurled Molotov cocktails and rocks at the CSF, who would retaliate with rounds of tear gas. Other protesters who were caught in the middle repeatedly gestured at the masked protesters to stop but to no avail. Somewhere in the middle, a group of around 15 boys who looked no more than 12-13 years old covered in white and pink paint marched into the area, chanting vulgar slogans. I was introduced to another obscure adolescent group: the White Pink. Bystanders told tales of White Pink's recruitment methods, claiming they were a branch of Zamalek's White Knights. "They would see who can withstand tear gas for 45 minutes. If you don't pass out, you're in," one bystander told me. He then advised me to leave the area because "things are going to get serious." To his disappointment, the teenagers hurled a few rocks at CSF, chanted more crude slogans, then left and were probably home before bedtime. Clashes continued between CSF and the Eagles, as they came at them from side streets chucking rocks and Molotov cocktails - one of which set a tree on fire. The clashes at the presidential palace on Friday were confusing and bewildering for the CSF and the protesters alike. What started off with tens chanting peacefully against the Muslim Brotherhood ended in brief altercations with CSF soldiers, who seemed disoriented and at one point changed their formation over three times in a span of five minutes, not knowing from where to expect the next attack
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182 |
2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/no-police-officers-sentenced-death-saturday-port-said-ruling
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None of the 21 people sentenced to death for their involvement in the Port Said football violence were police officers. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Nine senior police officers accused in the case will hear their verdict on 9 March, including former head of Port Said Security Directorate Major General Essam Samak, his deputy, General Mahmoud Fathy, and security officials General Bakr Hisham, General Abdel Aziz Fahmy, Colonel Mohamed Saad and General Mohsen Sheta. Six of the convicts who were found guilty are fugitives. The Ultras Ahlawy posted on their Facebook page names of the 21 defendants involved in the Port Said violence whose death sentences are awaiting approval from the grand mufti. The names are: -- Mohamed Refaat al-Danf, 44, accused of smashing a victim's head -- Mohamed Rashad Qoota, 21, known as al-Shaytan, accused of robbery and intimidating fans. -- Mohamed al-Sayed Mostafa, 21, known as Manadeelo, accused of murder with a knife. -- Al-Sayed Mohamed Khalaf, known as Haseeba, accused of using attacking fans with firearms. -- Mohamed Adel Shehata, 21, known as Hommos, accused of giving signal to attack the Ahly Ultras and coordinating with Port Said security leaders. -- Ahmed Fathy Mazrou, 33, known as al-Mo'a, accused of murder -- Hesham al-Badry Moheyeddin, 26, known as al-Falastiny, accused of murder using a blunt object -- Mohamed Mahmoud al-Boghdadi (know as Mando), 25, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a knife -- Fouad Ahmed al-Tabeey, (know as Fox), 21, accused of armed robbery and attacking Ahly fans. The day before the match, he told media host Medhat Shalbi in a phone interview that "they [Ahly fans] will not get out from Port Said." -- Mohamed Sahbban Hussein, 30, accused of killing with a knife -- Nasser Samir Abdel Mawgood, 18, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Hassan Mohamed al-Magdy, 18, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Mohamed Hussein Atiya, 18, accused of throwing large stones at Ahly fans -- Ahmed Redda Mohamed, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Ahmed Abdel Rahman al-Nagdy, 28, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Tarek Abdallah Ali, a fugitive convict, accused of hurling large stones at Ahly fans and attacking victim Ahmed Fathy -- Abdel Azeem Ghareeb Abdu, a fugitive convict, accused of being the person responsible for providing the knives used in the attacks, and five witnesses say that he is responsible for killing Ahmed Wagiuh -- Mohsen Mohamed al-Sherif, a fugitive convict, accused of hurling large stones at Ahly fans. -- Wael Youssef Abdel Kader, a fugitive convict, accused of attacking Ahly fans with a blunt object -- Mohamed Dessouki Mohamed, a fugitive convict. -- Mohamed Ali Saleh, a fugitive convict, accused of asphyxiating several victims
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183 |
2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-storm-police-station-suez-free-prisoners
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Protesters have stormed a police station on Saturday in Suez following fierce clashes with security forces, and freed prisoners there. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); They also took the weapons that were left behind by policemen who fled the station as it was being stormed. The clashes had started earlier, as protesters threw molotov cocktails at the police station, while security forces threw tear gas canisters to disperse them. Fire has caught a nearby building, according to the account of an eyewitness, as well as that of Khaled Bahgat, the head of the Civil Defense Authority. Suez has been the site of bloody clashes since Friday with the commemoration of the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution which also kicked off in the same city. Nine were killed in the clashes and tens were injured. The clashes followed the funerals of the victims The Armed Forces started deploying in the city to stop violent confrontations. Al-Masry Al-Youm reported that the military took over the Suez security directorate from police forces on Saturday evening. The violent protests in Suez were one of several to shake cities along the Suez Canal. In the nearby Port Said, 30 people died in deadly clashes following angry protesters' attempt to storm a prison where 21 defendants were sentenced to death by a Cairo court on Saturday, in the case of the football ultras' massacre of last February. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm.
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184 |
2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/security-forces-protesters-clash-near-interior-ministry
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Clashes have erupted between protesters and security forces near the Interior Ministry in downtown Cairo. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters hurled stones at troops on Nubar and Youssef al-Guindy streets, and security forces fired tear gas in response, while two armored vehicles followed protesters on Nubar Street to disperse demonstrators at the Interior Ministry. The clashes mainly took place on Sheikh Rehan and Youssef al-Guindy streets. Several policemen went to the top of an old building to fire tear gas and hurl stones at protesters. Meanwhile, dozens of protesters stood on top of the concrete wall separating Tahrir Square and Sheikh Rehan Square to hurl stones at policemen. Other protesters threw Molotov cocktails at buildings near the ministry headquarters, setting one building on fire. Hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy fans also gathered at the American University in Cairo downtown campus to celebrate the ruling issued against defendants convicted of involvement in the Port Said football violence in February, in which 72 Ahly fans died.
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185 |
2013-01-26
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-gather-club-ahead-port-said-case-hearing
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Hundreds of Ahly football fans gathered around the premises of the club in Cairo on Saturday morning to head to the court where a hearing and possibly a verdict on the Port Said massacre are expected. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The massacre took place in February 2012, when a game between Ahly and Port Said's Masry club ended with a tragic massacre of the former club's fans by unknown assailants, killing 72 of them. The deaths included children. At the site of the hearing at the Police Academy in New Cairo, police forces have just allowed families of the massacre's victims to enter the courtroom, as well as journalists without their cameras. Barbed wires were set around the academy by he security to avoid clashes. Public Prosecutor Talaat Abdallah had announced last week that new evidence in the case emerged and demanded the addition of six more defendants to the case who are now over 70 people. The move was considered an attempt to delay the verdict in the midst of rising anger and violence in the streets. Mohamed Nagy, deputy minister of interior for the prisons' sector, told Al-Masry Al-Youm that the defendants in the case won't be transferred from the Port Said prison where they are incarcerated to the courtroom in New Cairo. He added that several security measures were taken to protect them in prison. Several groups of Ultras have been threatening of chaos last week if the verdict is deemed unfair. Continued protests by different groups of Ultras in Cairo, Alexandria and other cities spread throughout the week. Roads and bridges blocking, port storming and clashes with security forces were features of football fans' threats to escalate violence if a verdict is not acceptable. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm.
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186 |
2013-01-27
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/military-denies-live-ammunition-used-against-port-said-protesters
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Armed Forces Spokesperson Ahmed Mohamed Ali has denied reports that the Armed Forces used live ammunition against protesters in Port Said during violent riots Saturday that saw at least 30 people killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); "The Armed Forces confirms that such information are false," Ali posted on Facebook. "The Armed Forces haven't used live ammunition against protesters, and none of the victims were killed by [them]." "The Armed Forces in Port Said are charged with controlling and securing national strategic establishments," he added. Ali also chastised the media for not relying solely on him for information related to the Armed Forces, saying that "false information" would "smear the image of the [Armed] Forces and negatively affect personnel" performing their national duties. The Armed Forces moved into Port Said to secure several institutions after violent clashes raged throughout the city between protesters and security forces, after a court sentenced 21 defendants in the Port Said football violence case to death. The defendants were accused of attacking and murdering Ahly Club fans after a match between the club and the local Port Said club Al-Masry. Masry fans and other attackers stormed the side of the stadium where Ahly fans were sitting, killing 72. Fans of both teams blame police for not intervening during the violence. Meanwhile, the Al-Masry Green Eagles ultras called on Port Said residents to rally in front of the Mariam Mosque after noon prayers to mourn the victims of Saturday's violence. In a statement on Facebook, the group also warned of another "revolution" in Port Said. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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187 |
2013-01-27
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/sunday-s-papers-between-retribution-and-turmoil
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Both state-run and independent newspapers Sunday juxtaposed the celebrations and chaos that erupted in Cairo and Port Said respectively after the court ruling in the Port Said football case on their front pages. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); State-run daily Al-Ahram boasted a bold red headline, labeling the violence that engulfed Port Said after the verdict the city's "new massacre." Al-Ahram's main story leads with the number of deaths and injuries in Port Said, describing the "enraged" residents' attack on the Port Said prison, which led to clashes with Central Security Forces. The main story wraps up the main events of the previous day, reporting on President Mohamed Morsy's meeting with the National Defense Council, which is toying with the idea of declaring a state of emergency, the National Salvation Front's statement and demands, and celebrations by Ultras Ahlawy and the Port Said victims' families. State-owned daily Al-Gomhurriya's headline, however, reads "Retribution," above a large picture of the ultras' celebrations splashed across its first page, striking a disproportionate balance with another small picture of the violence in Port Said. Al-Gomhurriya called Saturday's trial "historic," giving the details of the verdict the main focus before shifting the attention to the number of deaths and injuries in Port Said. Other daily newspapers, such as state-owned Al-Akhbar and privately owned Al-Shorouk and Al-Tahrir, described Saturday's events in Port Said as a "massacre" and a "war," all agreeing that the violence started after angry residents attempted to break into the Port Said prison. Al-Shorouk, however, subtly criticizes Morsy's meeting with the National Defense Council, saying it failed to come up with any decisions to put an end to the ongoing bloodshed. "The meeting only resulted in a statement that considers imposing a curfew and declaring a state of emergency, as well as calls for national dialogue," its story read. While state newspapers such as Al-Ahram, Al-Akhbar and Al-Gomhuriya report that the Armed Forces were called in to intervene and maintain order, other independent newspapers such as Al-Tahrir and Al-Shorouk are not as welcoming of the military intervention, portraying it as an imposition of control. Al-Gomhurriya reports that the armed forces sent medical planes to Port Said to transport critical cases for treatment in Cairo, adding that it is cooperating with police to maintain security and thwart any attempts to attack police stations other institutions. Privately owned Al-Tahrir, however, says the state "bowed out," allowing the Armed Forces to take charge in the canal cities. "The Armed Forces isolates Port Said and occupies roads leading to Ismailia," read one of its headlines. Al-Tahrir suggests that Morsy is "suppressing" and isolating Port Said by blocking all forms of transportation to the city, rejecting the state's justification of ensuring citizens' safety. The newspaper also claims that the Armed Forces are imposing martial law on Suez residents. All newspapers cover celebrations by Ultras Ahlawy and the victims' families extensively, seeing the verdict as retribution for the martyrs, with the exception of Al-Tahrir newspaper, which, in a small article, explores whether the verdict was politically motivated to appease the ultras. Privately owned Al-Dostour boasts a dramatic headline that reads, "The Muslim Brotherhood is burning Egypt." The newspaper suggests that the Muslim Brotherhood is sending a clear message to Egyptians, which warns them that protests come hand in hand with killing. It also accuses the Muslim Brotherhood of using Central Security Forces as militias to kill and injure protesters. In an article on its third page, Al-Dostour quotes sources on an allegedly "angry phone call" between Minister of Defense General Abdel Fatah Said al-Sisi and Morsy, during which Sisi urged the president to find solutions and put an end to the crisis rather than traveling to Addis Ababa, where he was scheduled to attend the African summit. Sisi allegedly said that while the Armed Forces are staying away from politics, they will not steer clear of the current events and are on alert for anyone seeking Egypt's destruction. For its part, the infamous Freedom and Justice Party's newspaper main headline reads "Court Rules: Death Sentence," tackily illustrating a noose hanging off the last letter. The newspaper's headlines condemn the violence and called respecting the court's rulings, pointing fingers at "elements who incite chaos." An interesting small article buried in its sixth page reports that the fact-finding committee that was formed in 2011 by Parliament to investigate the Port Said football violence says that some rulings may have favored a few Interior Ministry officials. The committee's report, the newspaper says, proved the violence that occurred on 1 February of last year wasn't intentional, but was a result of negligence. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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188 |
2013-01-28
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/end-game-port-said-football-case-reveals-new-breadth-politics
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PORT SAID - While wall graffiti in Cairo is fixated on the dead, those of Port Said googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); are fixated on the would-be dead. The faces of Homos, Outa and other defendants from among the ultras of the Port Said football massacre are stencilled on the walls of the city at its entrance, with the writing, "Justice for those incarcerated." Twenty-one of the case's 75 defendants were sentenced to death in Cairo Saturday, accused of killing 72 football fans in the aftermath of a February 2012 game between Port Said's Masry club and Cairo's Ahly. With the Port Said battle moving from a football pitch, to a courtroom, to the street that witnessed deadly clashes, claiming 37 lives by press time, the issue has clearly become more than just football. "It was a phone call that sent him to the noose," Um Fouad, mother of one of the sentenced defendants, said through tears. Standing at the corner of a street where crowds are still erupting in anger and witnessing more deaths, she screamed at a loss she thought was inconceivable: "His dad has died. He was the only person in my life." According to his mother and his friend Mohamed Farouq, Fouad al-Tabei, a Masry ultra, gave a phone interview to football TV host Medhat Shalaby. In the interview, Fouad said, "'When [Ahly supporters] come to Port Said, if they try to mess with us, we will screw with them. If not, they are our guests and we carry them over our heads.' He was convicted for this phone call," Farouq said. Next to him, Abu Homos, father of another sentenced Masry ultra, shrugged. "'General' Medhat Shalaby said [Homos'] name on TV. He made them stars on TV, only for the prosecution to add their names to the case later," he said, shortly before comforting his wife, whose voice had become inaudible due to nonstop screaming and crying. "Why is my son being killed? Because he went to support his team?" she said tearfully, as best as Egypt Independent could gather from her broken voice. Unlike Tabei and Mohamed Homos, Mohamed Shaaban is not a football supporter. He is a taxi driver who was arrested from his house at 3 am following the day of the match he didn't attend, "just for a question, the police told us. But the question turned into a death sentence," his mother said. "He was a polite man, didn't talk or bother anyone, never entered a police station," she added, struggling to combat the image of the killer that was cast upon her son, twice - once when he was arrested from his bedroom, and then when he was given the death sentence. Whether their accounts of their sons' innocence are true is hard to corroborate. But now the matter transcends the 21 death sentences. "It is beyond the case now. Port Said is dying," said Abu Homos, who called it Cairo's attempt to flex its muscles on the city. "I tell [President] Mohamed Morsy, the [Muslim] Brothers, the Armed Forces and the police, from the 750,000 people of Port Said, let us bury our dead." Since Saturday's verdict, clashes between protesters and security forces in Port Said have been incessant. It started when the families of convicted defendants gathered around the prison where their sons were incarcerated after hearing that they would be transferred away. As families walked in the funeral the following day to mourn the death of 28 civilians in Saturday's clashes, fighting erupted again and claimed seven lives, bringing the total to 37. And it goes on. Abdel Rahman Ferh, head of the Port Said public hospitals, said most of Saturday's deaths were caused by live bullets and birdshot. He added that injuries from live bullets have not been uncommon in Port Said, with the proliferation of arms in the last few months, especially following the Libyan revolution. And the state, from what many say, has been, at best, unresponsive. Today, the country's leadership is perceived with much more bitterness. The people of Port Said say that Cairo's political antagonizing of their city predates the tragic football match case. For one, policemen accused of killing protesters during the revolution were found innocent. For the families of convicted defendants, this is an inconsistency. "Could Morsy afford to have his heart ache over his children just because he wants to keep his chair?" said Shaaban's mother, whose other son, Youssef, is among the rest of the defendants who are awaiting their verdicts on 9 March. Ali Hassan, a leader in the Green Eagles Masry ultras group, which has more than 2,000 members, also saw Brotherhood politics in the matter. "[A few hundred] thousand votes in Port Said are sacrificed for the sake of the 18 million of Cairo," he said. In the presidential elections' first round, Port Said voted for leftist candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi, and Morsy only came third. In the second round, it voted for Morsy's rival, Ahmed Shafiq. "Morsy should know when he speaks to his clan that Port Said is not part of this clan, and that the grandchildren of the [tripartite] aggression today are being beaten by Egyptians," added Homos' bearded, elderly father. In the 1950s, Port Said rose against a renewed occupation after former President Gamal Abdel Nasser had announced the nationalization of the Suez Canal, which was then a power play in the context of US-Soviet rivalry. France, Britain and Israel coordinated an attack on Egypt, with Port Said as a central target. The attack and the resistance against it is the source of local national pride in Port Saidians' collective memory. It is with bitterness that many of them today recall how Cairo only knows how to make jokes about Port Said, rather than share their remembrance of their struggle against the foreign invasion. And if the history of national resistance is not enough to fend off the snobbery of the capital city, than the people of Port Said resort to the history of football. They recall how Masry Club was founded as an expression of nationalism following the 1919 anti-occupation movement led by Saad Zaghloul. At the time, many foreign local communities residing in Port Said around the Suez Canal formed football clubs. In reaction, Egyptian laborers working on the canal formed the club under the initiative of Moussa Effendi, who is said to be one of the first people to form a workers' union in a foreign freight company. Ahly, on the other hand, "is the club of the government and capitalism," said Hassan. He spoke resentfully of Ahly's dubious transactions of players, whereby they would try to steal Port Said's best to strengthen their team. Ibrahim al-Masry, who shares the name of his club, illustrates the capital club's power play. He said he got several offers from Ahly to join, but refused them all. He explained how his club resents the hegemony of Ahly and the corruption in its ranks. "Ahly doesn't feel for the small clubs like us because they are not oppressed like us," he said, adding that if one match is not fair to them, "the whole world turns upside down." In contemporary and revolutionary times, football has further become an expression of local politics in the face of failing regimes and states. Hassan explained how the Green Eagles, established in 2007, as well as the other two main Masry ultras groups in Port Said, are organized groups that have been engaging with society by fighting thuggery and participating in protests with social demands. He recounted how the Green Eagles made a Facebook call to fight a group of 800 armed men that have been threatening the city, a battle that was fought by them in front of a silent security apparatus weakened since the 25 January revolution. Similarly, the club and its fans base have been attracting a lot more youth in response to the recent events, although previously "the media appeal of Ahly had been attracting the youth," Masry said. With an air of performativity, Masry declared, "It's over. I am no longer Egyptian. I rid myself of my citizenship." Following that line, an activist interjected in the conversation, saying, "We will sell our cars and buy boats to cross the sea and get our stuff from Cyprus, and not from Cairo." That line is also present among the mothers of the defendants. One of them, whose son has yet to see his fate in the second batch of verdicts, said amid the raging battles in Port Said's streets, "We fought the French, the British and the Israelis. Now we're fighting Egypt, the Ahly state." This piece appears in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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189 |
2013-01-28
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-clashes-continue-and-black-bloc-emerges
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"Violence sweeps Suez Canal, Cairo and Alexandria" headlines on the front page of state-owned Al-Akhbar newspaper read. Two people were shot dead and 312 were injured in Port Said on Sunday during the funerals of 33 people killed there when locals angered by a court decision rioted as anti-government protests spread around the country. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The Armed Forces vowed to confront "intimidation," and the spokesperson for the military denied allegations that the army shot any live ammunition against protestors, according to Al-Akhbar. Privately owned Al-Dostour says that the Navy is warning against attempts to attack the Suez Canal waterway, confirming that the Armed Forces are in control of the Suez Canal major cities in order to secure strategic and vital facilities there. Al-Gomhurriya's headline points to President Mohamed Morsy's "consultations" with other political powers to try and end the crisis. The violence has uncovered a deep split in the country, as opponents accuse Morsy of failing to deliver any serious economic solutions for the struggling economy and say he has not lived up to pledges to stand for all Egyptians. His backers say the opposition is seeking to topple Egypt's first freely elected leader. Closed sources to the president say that Morsy has refused to launch a wide arrest campaign to stop the violence, confirming that dialogue is the 'only real way to end the predicament', according to Al-Gomhurriya's front page. Meanwhile, state-owned Al-Ahram brings to light the confrontations that took place on Qasr al-Nil Bridge and Haram Street, as well as Molotov attacks on the Semiramis Intercontinental and Shepheard Hotels downtown. Youm7 reports that the American and the British embassies have suspended work at all departments, including visas, due to the violent incidents and security vacuum in the area surrounding Tahrir Square. Al-Shorouk's front page reviews yesterday's incidents in Port Said, Suez, Ismailia, Cairo and the Delta, highlighting the chaos, violence, and the confrontations between the police forces and the protestors that are spreading to other governorates across Egypt. According to the privately owned newspaper, the Ultras Ahlawy are promising retaliation to the Ministry of the Interior and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Leaders of the group confirm that they will continue their campaign "Ehshed" until justice is served and all of those involved in the Port Said massacre are convicted. Al-Shorouk Editor-in-Chief Emad Eddin Hussein writes in his opinion column about the Black Bloc group, which is also dubbed the "Revolutionary Guards," saying that the group appeared as a reaction to the armed militias of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi political groups. "We have to remember that the military parade conducted by Hazemoun and other Islamists were the direct motivation for other armed groups, such as the Black Bloc, to emerge," he writes. Privately owned Sawt al-Umma echoes such sentiments on its front page, with the headline "Ultras and Black Bloc are revolutionary militia challenging Ikhwan division no. 27." Meanwhile, Minister of Information Salah Abdel Maqsoud denies in Al-Akhbar that there are any armed extremist groups in Egypt, saying that there are no "top secret" reports from Prime Minister Hesham Qandil to Morsy about any well trained and well equipped armed extremist groups that have recently entered Egypt. In Cairo, newly appointed Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim was driven out of the funeral of one of the police officers, who died during Saturday's clashes in Port Said, according to Al-Ahram. Al-Dostour newspaper says that police officers at the funeral blame Ibrahim for the deaths of at least two policemen during Saturday's clashes, as he did not allow the police to carry weapons and only gave them tear gas. On the same page, the newspaper draws attention to Finance Minister Morsy Hegazy's refusal to reveal the new budget for the Interior Ministry budget or the financial allocation needed to arm the police forces. Al-Ahram points to the Shura Council demanding a riot act and discussing giving the military judicial powers in Suez Canal cities to establish security. Al-Shorouk and Al-Dostour also report that 28 January is the second anniversary of the "Friday of Anger," and say that several groups will march to the Shura Council to conduct funeral prayers. On the economic side, the stock exchange lost LE2.7 billion yesterday after extensive sales, according to Al Ahram. The dollar exchange rate increased to 725 piasters over the past several days, as Al-Akhbar reports, which pushed the Central Bank to offer US$75 million at a forex auction to try to stop a rapid pound devaluation. Prices of the dollar were fixed at 662 piasters to buy at banks. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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190 |
2013-01-28
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-armed-men-attempt-storm-port-said-prison
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Clashes renewed between protesters and police forces across several governorates throughout the day on Monday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Six armed men on motorbikes opened fire at soldiers securing the Port Said prison on Monday night, said military spokesperson Ahmed Mohamed Ali. The soldiers fired back at the attackers, who fled the scene. No casualties were reported. Protesters from several political movements took to the streets in Ismailia on Monday evening, resisting the state of emergency and 9 pm curfew President Mohamed Morsy imposed on Canal Zone cities yesterday. Participants in the march chanted slogans against Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood supreme guide. Also defying curfew, in Suez thousands of protesters staged demonstrations at 9 pm, chanting, "The people want to overthrow the regime." This evening in Kafr al-Sheikh, security forces fired tear gas onto protesters attempting to break into the municipality headquarters, halting the attempt. The demonstrators demanded the ouster of Governor Saad al-Husseini, a former MP from the Freedom and Justice Party, who escaped out the back door of the building. More than 3,000 protesters in Gharbiya attempted to storm the Tanta Court Complex and release 22 political activists who have been detained there for the past three days on charges of inciting riots. The protesters, including Ultras and members of other political forces, chanted slogans against the Interior Ministry and the Muslim Brotherhood's supreme guide. Police fired tear gas into the demonstration and clashed with the protesters, injuring five. The Gharbiya Coalition of Revolutionary Youth demanded that Morsy lift the state of emergency he imposed yesterday on Port Said, Suez and Ismailia. Earlier in the evening, Black Bloc protesters surrounded the Sharqiya security directorate, engaging in verbal altercations with the police as they blocked surrounding streets and lit tires on fire. They demanded that Morsy lift the state of emergency and release all protesters arrested during demonstrations marking the second anniversary of the revolution. They threatened to burn the security directorate if their demands weren't met. Also on Monday evening, an armored police vehicle randomly opened fire on protesters near the Al-Arab police department in Port Said Governorate. Medical sources said at least seven protesters were injured in the shooting. Demonstrators in Port Said called for two protests to begin at 9 pm, challenging the month-long curfew Morsy issued for the region yesterday. Earlier on Monday, a Port Said resident died after being shot in the back during the Al-Arab police department clashes. Doctors from an emergency hospital in Mounira said the 19-year-old victim, Mohamed al-Sayed Mostafa, had been transferred to their hospital from Port Said to undergo surgery, but passed away before getting to the operation room. Another 19-year-old protester in the clashes, Ahmed Nagy Ibrahim, was transferred to the same hospital after being shot in the chest. He underwent surgery and was transferred to the intensive care unit. Eyewitnesses reported that hundreds of protesters had gathered in front of the Al-Arab building by this afternoon, and gunfire was heard in the area. Protesters lit tires on fire at the intersection of Minya Street and Saad Zaghlol Street. Earlier in the day in Sharqiya, hundreds organized a march to commemorate the 28 January 2011, known as the Friday of Anger. They gathered around the Unknown Soldier memorial and chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood. The protesters then headed to Morsy's residence, but were stopped by police. Security Director Mohamed Kamal said peaceful protests are allowed, but assault on public property is not. In Alexandria, thousands of demonstrators blocked Abu Qir Road, the Corniche and the tramway, calling for Morsy to step down, the dissolution of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's government, justice for the martyrs of the revolution and the annulment of the Constitution. The Coalition of Police Officers in Alexandria said that protesters have the right to peaceful demonstration, but that it's the duty of the police to protect public property. The police would react firmly to any acts that break the law, the coalition said in a statement, adding that citizens must not allow violent infiltrators in demonstrations to drive a wedge between the people and the police. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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191 |
2013-01-29
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/thousands-break-curfew-overnight-canal-governorates
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Thousands of protesters took to the streets in Ismailia, Port Said and Suez Governorates after 9 pm Monday, in a direct challenge to President Mohamed Morsy's decision to impose a curfew there. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Morsy had imposed the 9 pm to 6 am curfew and declared a state of emergency in the three governorates after clashes killed at least 50 people, mainly in Port Said. About 3,000 protesters marched from Arbeen Square to Geish Street in Suez demanding that Morsy rescind the curfew. Satellite TV channel ONtv showed photos of protesters raising the flags of Egypt and Suez while chanting slogans against Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood, saying they would continue protesting until the downfall of Morsy's regime. Major General Osama Askar, commander of the second field army, said that the curfew was not imposed by the Armed Forces but was a demand from the citizens of Suez themselves. "A curfew is not our purpose," he said, adding that the people of Suez were the ones demanding that political leaders arrest criminals. In Ismailia, ultras organized a football match during the early hours of the curfew in al-Mamar Square.
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192 |
2013-01-31
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/canal-cities-organize-nightly-football-matches-defy-curfew
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In defiance of the state of emergency declared amid unrest in Suez Canal Zone cities, some activists are organizing football matches during curfew hours. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); President Mohamed Morsy declared a month-long state of emergency in canal cities on Sunday, including a 9 pm-6 am curfew, in response to protest violence that has claimed at least 53 lives in several governorates. Clashes in cities such as Cairo and Suez have stemmed from protests against the government and the Muslim Brotherhood on the 25 January revolution anniversary. In Port Said, demonstrators protested a court verdict sentencing 21 people to death over violence following a football match between Cairo's Ahly and Port Said's Masry teams last year The governors of Suez, Ismailia and Port Said reduced the curfew hours in their cities Wednesday, pushing them back to 1 am or 2 am. It was unclear whether the football matches would also be moved later to continue defying the curfew. "The idea [for the football tournament] was welcomed by the sons of the three canal cities, who said it was a creative idea to resist authoritarianism ..." said Hany Mahdy, one of the organizers in Port Said. Hundreds of fans and members of revolutionary groups recently attended a match in Ismailia, in which a team named "Revolution" beat a team called "Shater" 5-0. "A number of military officers have expressed desire to participate in the games and offered to informally host the matches in Armed Forces stadiums, but the organizers [refused], stressing that the message must be clear in streets and squares," Mahdy told Al-Masry Al-Youm. He said teams made up of young players would travel between the three cities for matches and television stations would also be invited to broadcast the games. Port Said football fans are also preparing for the matches. "If the Armed Forces expressed willingness to participate, they would be put on the schedule of matches," said Ali al-Saify, the leader of the Green Eagles, an ultras fan club affiliated with the official league team Masry. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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193 |
2013-01-31
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/thursday-s-papers-everyone-s-invited-no-one-wants-talk
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In Thursday's papers, a baffling dialogue dilemma unfolds in all its glory. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Many of the country's political forces see national talks, designed to bring a variety of polarizing figures together, as the only way to end ongoing violence that erupted last week. But to gain the upper hand, it seems leaders prefer to be the one issuing an invitation, versus actually accepting anyone else's request to talk. According to Al-Shorouk newspaper, a privately owned daily, the president's office refuses to meet with Dostour Party leader Mohamed ElBaradei, who called for talks on Wednesday that would include the National Salvation Front, the Freedom and Justice Party, Salafi leaders and the interior and defense ministers. The rejection comes just days after the NSF had issued its own refusal to attend talks set to be hosted by President Mohamed Morsy. The political posturing has left both sides essentially calling for a dialogue with their hands tied since no one has agreed to attend either proposed meeting. Al-Shorouk quotes sources in the president's office and the Muslim Brotherhood as saying that ElBaradei's plan to invite the defense minister puts the country at risk of returning to military rule. While ElBaradei and Morsy argue over competing national dialogues, others are forging some unlikely partnerships. Independent daily Al-Sabah runs the headline "The Nour Party turning against the Brotherhood," reporting that party met with the National Salvation Front at the Wafd party headquarters. A Nour-led collective is echoing the NSF's earlier demands that the president sack the current Cabinet and form another coalition government that represents all political parties. It also calls on Morsy to end the curfew imposed on the canal governorates of Suez, Port Said and Ismailia. The paper reports that the Muslim Brotherhood is upset that it wasn't informed of the Nour initiative. Al-Shorouk spoke to analysts who claim the move is a political maneuver by the opposition to end the Nour Party alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood and could change the Islamic-secular polarization that has characterized past elections. "Morsy's regime approaches Mubarak's ending," reads an Al-Wafd headline. The liberal party writes that the Salafis have abandoned the Brotherhood, which may signal an end to the group's time in power. The newspaper retraces Morsy's inability to gain control of political factions and protesters recently, arguing that the situation greatly resembles Mubarak's last days in office during the 25 January Revolution. To emphasize its point, Al-Wafd prints pictures of Mubarak and Morsy in identical poses, each raising his finger threateningly during separate speeches. While most of Egypt's print media focuses on protests, the Freedom and Justice party newspaper instead chooses to cover Morsy's "successful" meeting in Germany with Chancellor Angela Merkel. The newspaper reports that Germany plans to loan Egypt 354 million euros in aid. In a special report, independent daily Al-Watan runs an expose of the militias that have formed in Egypt during the most recent clashes. However, its sensationalist coverage fails to recognize that most of the groups profiled aren't actually militias. For example, the newspaper claims some obscure Christian groups have formed organized militias with the aim of inciting violence, despite the fact that these groups are no longer active in Egypt. The newspaper profiles the Ultras Ahlawy football fans as a militia, citing fireworks as their weapon of choice. Al-Watan also profiles a strange group called "The People of Vendetta," claiming they are a real, organized force to be reckoned with after seeing people protesting in paper Guy Fox masks over the last few months. The report mentions a so-called armed militia "The Brotherhood's Troop 95," which has previously appeared in other media reports amid much speculation. Lastly, the paper profiles the Black Bloc, which it describes as masked protesters that have appeared recently. According to Al-Watan, the group of masked protesters is responsible for several vandalism incidents and is mostly made up of young boys known as the "the Facebook generation in black." In more serious news, state-run daily Al-Ahram reports on the growing unrest among Central Security Forces. After several CSF personnel were killed or injured in the recent wave of violence, many are now demanding weapons to defend themselves and threatening to strike if these demands are not met. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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194 |
2013-02-06
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/school-postponed-week-port-said
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Officials postponed the beginning of Port Said schools' winter semester for at least a week on Wednesday, according to state news agency MENA. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Port Said Governor Major General Ahmed Abdallah, students will only be able to return to the classroom once security in the city is restored. He added that school education departments should adapt curriculums to make up for any missed days. Exams were also postponed due to the violence that erupted in university dormitories between students and Ultras Ahlawy football fans. At least 58 people died in recent violence that erupted after a court handed down 21 death sentences to people involved in the Port Said stadium massacre last February. Demonstrators had also taken to the streets following the second anniversary of Egypt's uprising to protest Mohamed Morsy's goverment. Morsy responded by declaring a state of emergency and enforcing a curfew in the governorates of Suez, Port Said and Ismailia, although the curfew has since been shortened to three hours. Edited translation from MENA
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195 |
2013-02-08
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-least-92-injured-gharbiya-clashes-says-ministry
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Mass marches and demonstrations took place across the governorates on Friday, which political movements have called the "Friday of Departure." googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The demonstrations demand the safeguarding of the objectives of the revolution, the dissolution of the Cabinet, the formation of a national salvation government, the amendment of controversial articles in the Constitution and trials for those responsible for killing protesters over the past weeks. By Friday evening protests turned violent in some governorates. At least 92 were injured in ongoing clashes between protesters and security forces in Gharbiya as of Friday evening, reported Mohamed Sharshar, deputy health minister in Gharbiya. Protesters were injured during reported attempts to storm the Gharbiya Security Directorate headquarters in Tanta, the main police station in Kafr al-Zayat and the Mahalla City Council. "38 were injured in Kafr al-Zayat, 35 in Tanta, and the rest in Mahalla," Sharshar told Al-Masry Al-Youm. A security source said that 12 alleged "rioters" were arrested in the attempts to storm the state institutions. Anonymous masked men fired Molotov cocktails at a company belonging to a Brotherhood leader in Gharbiya's Mahalla al-Kobra City on Friday evening after a day of anti-Brotherhood protests there. There were no reported injuries, but set the company's banners on fire. The company belonged to FJP leader Mahmoud al-Bara, said a source from the Freedom and Justice Party. He added that the fire did not reach the interior of the building. The source said the FJP suspects Black Bloc protesters of being behind the attack, and said they would press charges. Mohamed Sultan, head of the ambulance authority, said more than 150 were injured in protests nationwide. Thousands took to the streets in Port Said on Friday afternoon. Four marches were organized from Mariam Mosque in the Monakh neighborhood, Sharawy Mosque in Port Fouad, Abbasy Mosque in the Arab neighborhood and a march of ultras from the Port Said Stadium. The marches met at the intersection of Al-Ameen Street and Saad Zaghloul Street, sparking conflict between some participants. Some ultras members demanded that certain protesters from the other marches be excluded from their demonstration, accusing them of supporting the Ultras Ahlawy and participating in their protests in Cairo. The demonstrators split into two groups. A 6,000-person strong march made up of members of political forces chanted slogans against Morsy and the Brotherhood, while an ultras-only march followed. Violent clashes erupted in the Gharbiya city of Mahalla early Friday evening, reported the state-run news agency MENA. Protesters allegedly pulled the gates in front of the city council apart and hurled Molotov cocktails, reportedly attempting to storm the building. Police fired tear gas into the crowd. All traffic in the area was halted, and nearby shops were closed. Clashes also broke out in Tanta, Gharbiya's capital, as well as in Kafr al-Sheikh, capital of Kafr al-Sheikh Governorate. Protesters battled with security forces in front of the governorate capital buildings in both cities. Demonstrators hurled stones at security officers, who responded by firing tear gas. Thousands began taking to the streets in Gharbiya on Friday afternoon. Demonstrators demanded the sacking of the prosecutor general, the formation of a new Cabinet, and the ouster of the governor of Gharbiya. They chanted, "Down with the supreme guide and the Brotherhood rule," "No Brothers, no Salafis, we are the 25 youth," and "Lying Brothers should be in jail." Demonstrators held symbolic coffins to demand punishment for those responsible for the deaths of protesters, and denounced the torture of activist Mohamed al-Gendy who dwas killed in January. In Tanta, about 3,000 protesters staged a march after Friday prayers calling for President Mohamed Morsy to step down. Revolutionary forces gathered in Al-Shoan Square in Mahalla al-Kobra City to demand retribution for the martyrs of the revolution. In Sharqiya Governorate, hundreds of demonstrators marched through Zagazig City to protest against the Muslim Brotherhood and demand that the objectives of the revolution be met. The three marches headed to the governorate headquarters, and some protesters then went on to demonstrate in front of Morsy's home in Zagazig. The protesters chanted for justice for the protesters killed since 25 January, a new cabinet and a new constitution. Fearing potential attacks, Muslim Brotherhood members formed human chains to protect its 43 headquarters in Sharqiya. There was tightened security around all state institutions and the president's house. Ambulances were on standby near the protests. In Damietta, marches started after Friday prayers from different mosques and headed to Al-Sa'a Square. Protesters raised banners and chanted for the dissolution of the Cabinet, the dismissal of the prosecutor general and to put the interior minister on trial. In Fayoum, revolutionary forces and political parties staged a protest in Al-Thawra Square, and agreed to march through the city streets at 6 pm. In Monufiya, three marches from Shebin al-Kom City headed toward the governorate headquarters after Friday prayers. Members from around 150 political parties including the Tagammu Party, the Nasserist Party, the Wafd Party, the Ghad al-Thawra Party, the Popular Current, the April 6 Youth Movement, Kefaya and other groups participated. The protesters demanded President Mohamed Morsy's ouster and early presidential elections. They met in front of the Ansary, Abbasy and Abu Bakr al-Sedeeq mosques, marched through the main roads and met in front of the governorate building. Security was intensified in front of the governorate headquarters, the Shebin al-Kom Prison and courts and other state facilities. In Suez, the National Salvation Front and other revolutionary movements staged a protest in Arbaeen Square. They chanted slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and demanded justice for the dozens of protesters killed in the wave of violence that started on 25 January. Protesters also chanted against the police, accusing them of murdering the protesters, and demanded the dismissal of several Suez officials. Wafd Party leader Ali Amin said protests in Suez would continue until the demands of the revolution were achieved. In Kafr al-Sheikh, hundreds of protesters from the Popular Current party, the Constitution Party, the Karama Party, the Kefaya movement and other political groups marched from Estad Mosque in Kafr al-Sheikh City. Demonstrators demanded the ouster of Governor Saad al-Husseiny, a former MP for the Freedom and Justice Party. The march went down the city's main streets until it arrived at the governorate's headquarters. Thousands marched from Al-Qaed Ibrahim Mosque in Alexandria after Friday prayers. Participants raised flags bearing the images of protesters killed in recent clashes sparked during the anniversary of the 25 January revolution, and raised banners expressing their demands including the ouster of President Mohamed Morsy. They also raised flags in support of various political movements, including Kefaya and the Revolutionary Socialists. Participants said the march would pass by Raml Station, Martyrs' Square in Masr Station, Abu Qir Street until they reach the Alexandria Governorate headquarters. The April 6 Youth Movement, the Free Egyptians Party, the Kefaya movement, the Change Movement, the Leftist Youth Movement and others all announced they would take part in today's protest in Alexandria, reported state-run Al-Ahram. Participating forces declared they would continue their protests until the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood and President Mohamed Morsy, according to Al-Ahram. They called for a transitional justice law, the implementation of court rulings that returned privatized companies to the state, the cancellation of all laws restricting freedoms and a new law on minimum and maximum wages. Other demands included the dismissal of the prosecutor general, the release of protesters from prisons, the rejection of the International Monetary Fund and revolutionary trials for Morsy, the interior minister, the prime minister and the heads of the security directorates where protesters were killed in violent clashes with the police. A number of revolutionary movements and coalitions in Minya announced participating in Friday's protests, including 25 January Youth Movement, the Revolutionary Youth Bloc and the unofficial Wafd Youth for Change Party. The National Salvation Front in Ismailia planned four marches to Al-Mamar Square today. The first march will be from Shebeen Street, the second from Othman Ahmed Othman Square, the third from al-Hekr Street and the fourth from Mohamed Amin Mosque. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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196 |
2013-02-08
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-security-fires-tear-gas-water-cannons-protesters-palace
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Security forces dispersed protesters in front of the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace with a barrage of tear gas and water cannons Friday evening. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters retreated to Caliph Maamoun Street as armored vehicles and Central Security Forces troops were deployed to the area. This comes after protesters set fire to one of the gates in front of the presidential palace, state-run news agency MENA reported, as demonstrations continued in Heliopolis as part of the nationwide "Friday of Departure" rallies against the Muslim Brotherhood and the president. As demonstrators, including some Black Bloc protesters, tore down the barbed wire gate in front of the palace's Gate 4, others climbed the palace walls. Protesters threw stones and fireworks into the palace courtyard, setting fire to a tree. Central Security Forces were notably absent at that time, and the republican guards initially did not move from their positions inside the palace, although some shot blanks into the air in an attempt to disperse the protesters. Demonstrators chanted, "Down with the supreme guide's rule," and chanted for President Mohamed Morsy to leave office. The number of protesters at the palace steadily increased into Friday evening as various marches from around Cairo arrived in Heliopolis. Earlier on Friday afternoon, protesters blocked Merghany Street, sparking arguments with drivers in the area, Other demonstrators painted graffiti on the palace's wall in honor of Mohamed al-Gendy, a Popular Current member from Tanta who was allegedly kidnapped and tortured to death after participating in protests commemorating the anniversary of the 25 January revolution. A human chain was formed in front of the barbed wire set up by security forces at entrances to the palace to prevent fellow protesters from trying to tear it down, in an attempt to avoid violent clashes with the police. Earlier in the afternoon, a march of dozens from Rabaa al-Adaweya Mosque in Nasr City arrived at the palace. They carried Egyptian flags as well as a large black banner reading, "The revolution continues." Republican guards withdrew from their posts in front of Gates 3 and 4 of the palace, retreating behind the walls to preempt possible clashes with protesters who began gathering in the area Friday morning. Dozens of demonstrators started a march to the palace from Nour Mosque in Abbasseya after Friday prayers. Members of several political forces and revolutionary movements participated, including the Ultras Youth, the Constitution Party and the Arab Nasserist Party. Demonstrators raised banners demanding that President Mohamed Morsy step down and Egyptian flags, and chanted, "The people want to overthrow the regime," and "Down with the supreme guide's rule." Earlier in the day, Black Bloc protesters issued a statement calling on citizens to demonstrate in front of the palace under the slogan, "retaliation or departure." The Black Bloc is a previously unknown group that emerged during protests commemorating the anniversary of the 25 January revolution. They wear black masks and outfits and largely refuse to talk to the media. Members of the group marched to the presidential palace Friday morning, stating that their only demand is the downfall of Morsy's administration. Before the march, calm prevailed in front of the palace in the morning as security troops forced protesters holding a sit-in there to move their tents. Republican guards placed barbed wire in front of Gate 3 and Gate 4 of the palace, and filled the garden by the Heliopolis Club with water so that protesters couldn't relocate their tents there. Although traffic police disappeared from the streets around the palace, traffic flowed smoothly. Some nearby shops closed out of fear of clashes. Opposition forces led by the National Salvation Front are holding mass demonstrations across the country today, which they are calling "Friday of Departure." In Cairo, marches are planned to the palace from Nour Mosque, Fateh Mosque, Esteqama Mosque, Sayeda Zeinab Mosque and Shubra Square after Friday prayers. The protesters demand the end of Muslim Brotherhood rule, the dismissal of Prime Minister Hesham Qandil's Cabinet, and the trial of Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim for the killing, torture and illegal imprisonment of protesters. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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197 |
2013-02-14
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/over-30-detainees-released-tanta-after-clashes
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Tanta's Public Prosecution released 32 people Thursday who were detained pending an investigation into clashes last Friday in the cities of Tanta and Kafr al-Zayat in Gharbiya Governorate. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The suspects face possible charges of rioting and attacking security forces during demonstrations on 8 February, dubbed the "Friday of Departure." Earlier, hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy fans, pro-revolutionary groups and relatives of detainees surrounded the Tanta Court complex, demanding the detainees' release and chanting slogans against the Muslim Brotherhood and security forces. Meanwhile, the Tanta Appeals Court will review a challenge submitted by some of those detained over the Public Presecution's decision to hold each for 15 days while authorities conducted the investigation. Edited translation from MENA
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198 |
2013-02-15
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/solider-accused-killing-teenager-custody
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The soldier who fatally shot a 13-year-old street vendor during clashes in downtown Cairo earlier this month will be detained for 15 days pending investigations into the incident, said the military prosecution on Friday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The military prosecutor's office and the Forensic Medicine Department are conducting ongoing investigations into the killing, a military source told Al-Masry al-Youm. The victim, Omar Salah, was reportedly killed on 3 February near the US Embassy in Cairo after being shot by security forces during clashes sparked by the second anniversary of the 25 January revolution. Ahmed Mohamed Ali, a spokesperson for the Armed Forces, on Thursday offered a rare public apology for the incident, which he said was an accident. Ali claimed that the soldier fired his weapon by mistake during a routine inspection. Ali alleged that the boy's family waived their right to seek justice through the courts. Hundreds in Tahrir Square staged a symbolic funeral for the teenager. They raised the Egyptian flag and a banner with a photograph of Salah. At the same time, hundreds of Ultras Ahlawy members and other revolutionary groups staged a protest at Ramses Square, demanding accountability for members of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) who were in power during the Port Said massacre in February 2012. The protesters chanted slogans against SCAF and Interior Ministry. They said they would stage a march on the Ministry of Defense. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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199 |
2013-02-15
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/update-jama-al-islamiya-protest-draws-close-early-friday-evening
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Early Friday evening, Islamist demonstrators at Cairo University's Renaissance Square announced the end of today's protest against violence held by the Jama'a al-Islamiya and its Construction and Development Party. Throughout the day, members of Jama'a al-Islamiya and other Islamist forces chanted in support of President Mohamed Morsy and Islam. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); In the late afternoon, the Ultras Nahdawy donned Black Bloc attire. The back of their shirts were emblazoned with the flag of the Muslim Brotherhood and the words, "Ultras Nahdawy." They chanted slogans praising Morsy, played drums and tambourines and held photos of Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna. Freedom and Justice Party leader Mohamed al-Beltagy, who was present at the demonstrations, said, "President Mohamed Morsy cannot be changed except through the ballot boxes that brought him into power. The Parliament will also only come through the ballot box, which is the real proof of the popular will." He stressed the need for unity in order to rebuild the country after the revolution. "The process of construction will not be through violence and force, [tactics] which some use in an attempt to stage a coup against the legitimate president who came through free [elections]," Beltagy added. Essam Sultan, vice president of the Wasat Party, said during Friday's the protest, "People in the street have started to understand and reject the policies of the National Salvation Front." Sultan vowed to defend Morsy as the nation's legitimate president. "I came today to show support for Jama'a al-Islamiya's protest, and to reject the policy of violence the National Salvation Front is following," Sultan told Al-Masry Al-Youm. Islamists would defend state institutions against all sabotage, he added. Numbers of demonstrators at Renaissance Square had soared into the thousands by early Friday afternoon, reported state-run news agency MENA. MENA reported that Jama'a al-Islamiya bussed in supporters from several governments, including Sohag, Minya and Assiut. The mass "All Against Violence" demonstration also included members of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Front. Friday morning, protesters hung up dozens of banners that read, "Trying the killers of revolutionaries is a revolutionary demand," "No to the Nasserist Party's visit to Syria to support the killer Bashar" and "No to black masks," referring to the Black Bloc protesters who have been appearing in demonstrations since 25 January, clothed entirely in black. Dozens formed groups to direct traffic. Present in the crowd were supporters of Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, known as the blind sheikh. They held banners that read, "Sons of the Jama'a al-Islamiya are waiting for the promise to be met by the return of the captive sheikh." Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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200 |
2013-02-17
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-shut-down-port-said-governorate-hq-briefly-block-railway
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Thousands of students, football ultras and family members of prisoners have shut down the Port Said governorate building and temporarily blocked the Cairo-Port Said railway line after activists called for a civil disobedience campaign. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Protesters, many of whom are also relatives of those killed during a wave of violent clashes in the city last month, also headed to the Port Said Harbor Authority Building and shut it down after ordering employees out of the building. National Railway Authority head Hussein Zakaria also said that protesters, many of whom are ultras supporting the local Al-Masry Club, briefly blocked the railway at a level crossing. Zakaria later added that the railway had been reopened and that train traffic was moving normally. An armored vehicle and three CSF vehicles blocked entrance to the central garden facing the governorate building and attempted to drive through the rally, with protesters responding by throwing stones. One protester was hit by one of the vehicles but was uninjured. The city's chamber of commerce was closed for the day, and parents kept their children home from school. The protests come after about 40 people were killed during clashes between security forces and protesters last month in Port Said. Clashes broke out in the city after a court sentenced 21 defendants in the Port Said football violence trial to death for their role in the deaths of 72 Ahly Club fans during a February 2012 match in the city. As a result of the clashes, President Mohamed Morsy initially imposed curfew and state of emergency in Port Said and other governorates along the Suez Canal for one month, before allowing governors to reduce or cancel curfews. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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201 |
2013-02-17
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/ultras-ahlawy-members-attack-port-said-volleyball-team-injuring-10
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Dozens of members belonging to Ultras Ahlawy googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); , a group of hardcore football fans of Cairo's Ahly team, stormed the Shooting Club in Dokki Sunday evening, and attacked players from Port Said's "Rabat wal Anwar" volleyball team, injuring 10 players. Security forces in Giza chased the attackers, but were unable to apprehend them. Major General Hussein al-Qady, head of Giza Security Directorate, ordered Central Security Forces to form cordons around the club to protect the players. A security source said players were taken out of the club, and that the wounded players were treated. The players are now being transported back to Port Said, the source said. The source said Ultras Ahlawy members damaged the Port Said team's buses as they were leaving. Regional tension between Cairo and Port Said sports fans worsened after a football game in February last year between Port Said's Masry team and Ahly. Masry fans stormed the pitch after the game and attacked Ahly fans. At least 72 people died in the violence. That tension renewed between the two cities after a court sentenced 21 people to death last month in the case over the football violence. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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202 |
2013-02-18
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/monday-s-papers-nepotism-and-civil-disobedience
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Unrest in the Suez Canal city of Port Said is at the top of the agenda for the local press Monday. Many media outlets also cover protests and strikes unfolding across the country as well as the appointment of the president's son to a well-paying position within the holding company for airports. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Port Said, a city at the northern entrance of the Suez Canal, has been simmering since a court in January sentenced 21 local youths to death over a riot following a football match last year that left 72 dead and hundreds injured. The city erupted into protests and clashes with security forces following the court's verdict, and police forces shot dead several other protesters. Although President Mohamed Morsy declared a state of emergency including a curfew in Port Said, as well as in Ismailia and Suez, on 28 January, it has been widely ignored and violated. "Port Said embarks on campaign of civil disobedience ... Army inspects situation from aircraft," reads a headline in privately owned Al-Shorouk newspaper. Privately owned daily Al-Sabah reports: "Protesters close down governorate building, port, 126 factories, and obstruct rail traffic." Another independent paper, Al-Tahrir, runs the headline "Port Said declares disobedience against Morsy" above an article that says, "Stores, the gates of the city's port, and the free trade zone have all been shut down in protest against Morsy's recent dictates." Liberal party paper Al-Wafd reports, "Students boycott their classes, governmental bureaus are without employees, and shops shuttered." State-owned Al-Ahram runs a headline blaming the city's Al-Masry football club and especially its hardcore fans for instigating the unrest, saying, "Ultras' agitation paralyzes Port Said." The paper claims the football fan club is forcing workers, employees, bus drivers, and shop owners to stop work across the city. Privately owned Youm7 also reports more than 20 strikes in several governorates, some of which obstructed highways in Sinai, Monufiya the Red Sea and other governorates. "Protests rock the governorates" reads a headline in Al-Tahrir. The paper says clashes have broken out between protesters and police in Mahalla, blocking of the Samanoud-Mansoura highway. In Gharbiya, the paper says, five Muslim Brotherhood members were freed after reportedly being briefly kidnapped and then "liberated by unidentified people." Bakery workers in Sharqiya Governorate attempted to storm the governor's office, and medical workers in Monufiya blocked a local highway in protest against their working conditions and low wages, Al-Tahrir writes. Security forces in Alexandria reportedly used police dogs to attack striking cement workers as they were praying. Al-Wafd reports on the same event with the headline "Crimes of the Interior Ministry: Police dogs used against striking Portland Cement workers in Alexandria." The article says police forces on Sunday morning stormed the company, where an estimated 450 workers were on strike. "Workers jump out of company windows as police unleash dogs upon them, as they were performing dawn prayers," the party paper writes. Some 100 employees are being detained in an undisclosed location and interrogated by police. Dozens of others were injured in the raid, according to Al-Wafd. In other news, the president's son Omar Morsy, a recent college graduate, makes front-page headlines in nearly every newspaper. Omar's appointment to a post at the Egyptian Holding Company for Airports and Air Navigation, with a hefty monthly salary estimated at LE 30,000, raised eyebrows and questions regarding nepotism within state institutions. Youm7 reports Civil Aviation Minister Wael al-Maddawy as describing Morsy junior's employment as "a victory for the revolution." This paper also mentions that security forces were deployed en masse around the airport - in light of threats of protests against this "fishy appointment." Youm7 reports that 2,000 non-essential employees were told to stay at home during Omar Morsy's first day of work. Al-Sabah reports on backlash against the appointment, saying hundreds of unemployed graduates with advanced degrees (Omar Morsy holds a bachelor's degree) protested outside Parliament on Sunday. Al-Shorouk clarifies that Morsy's son has ended the controversy and declined the lucrative job following numerous complaints about "favoritism and presidential connections." Omar Morsy is reported as saying "I pulled out as my father and family were being subjected to numerous rumors." Morsy's son argued that he was not being offered tens of thousands of pounds per month, but merely LE 900. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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203 |
2013-02-18
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-and-ultras-clash-during-march-reveals-rift-and-rivalries
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Demonstrators organized a march Friday to demand justice for former military leaders whom protesters accuse of killing revolutionaries during the 18-month-long transition that followed the 25 January revolution. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The initiative was an attempt to break the political stalemate of the street protests, with activist groups coordinating with the Ultras Ahlawy football fan group to take action to demand justice. But, the good intentions didn't save the day. Scuffles erupted shortly between the two groups during the march. Witnesses say the ultras were attempting to silence any chants against President Mohamed Morsy, which provoked many activists who did not see a difference between the military junta and the Muslim Brotherhood regime, which they accuse of granting the former a safe exit. Wael Eskandar, who wrote his eyewitness account for the online magazine Jadaliyya, said when chants against Morsy turned loud, disgruntled protesters and provoked ultras started to clash, and some women were physically assaulted, allegedly by ultras members. Shortly after, both protesters and ultras pulled out. "Protesters left with more questions than answers as to what drove the ultras to adopt such a position. Were they convinced that justice could be attained under the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood? Were they infiltrated? Were they placated by the court verdict, which sentenced 21 individuals to death for involvement in the Port Said massacre?" Eskandar asked in his account. The ruling came to shake the relation between the ultras and activists following their cheering to the death sentence verdict given to 21 defendants accused of killing football fans after a match in Port Said last February. Parallel to their cheering, many Port Said residents erupted against the police in days-long violence that claimed more lives, as they believed the regime used their kids as scapegoats to avoid the wrath of Ahly's ultras. As Ultras Ahlawy burst into the streets of Cairo to celebrate, they were accused of disregarding real justice and falling into their traditional football rivalries, shoving politics aside. "This is not true. Our celebration never means that we forgot real justice. Our celebration is due to the fact that justice started to be served," a leading ultras member, who requested anonymity and will be referred to as Ali, told Egypt Independent following the January verdict. "We were clear from the first day that Port Said fans are the ones who committed killings with their own hands. We also believe that the police were complicit and incited them, and the military regime engineered the whole massacre. But this does not negate the fact that Port Said fans committed the crime," Ali explained. He said Ultras Ahlawy had testified against the defendants who received death sentences in the case. "We know those who killed our friends by heart and we actually testified against them," he recounted. But they will not be deceived, he added, as they await justice against the police officers who were complicit in planning for the massacre. "Let's be realistic. We know that we cannot hold the military accountable now because it needs more revolutionary efforts. But we were pressuring to hold both Port Said fans and the police accountable. Our pressure yielded partially, so let's wait till we see the rest of the ruling," he added. The rest of the defendants are yet to hear their fate, which will be decided in a 9 March court session. Another ultras member, who also prefers not to mention his name due to established ultras traditions, believes that politics played a major rule in misleading the public regarding this case. "The conspiracy-theory remarks by many politicians misled the Port Said people. It convinced them that the existence of a conspiracy is enough to set them innocent from the crime, which is never true," the other Ultras Ahlawy member, who will be referred to as Adel, told Egypt Independent. "The fact that there is real conspiracy does not mean they are innocent. Port Said fans committed the crime with their own hands," Adel said. But football enmity aside, the case opened up a gap between ultras and activists, who for long celebrated them as their revolutionary companions and bold front-liners fearlessly standing against the police. Ali spoke of a certain distrust. He believes that many opposition groups who previously supported Ultras Ahlawy's demands never wanted real justice, but just wanted the anger of ultras to use it for political reasons. "Some of the revolutionaries I saw in the court were not happy with the verdict and the joy of the martyrs' mothers. They wanted the ruling to acquit all defendants so that we get angrier and they can use our anger," he said. "Their faces literally turned black when they heard the ruling," he added. "They never wanted justice." The ultras staged a major sit-in last year in front of the Cabinet to demand justice for their killed martyrs and organized many protest. They enjoyed wide support from different political groups. But the attitude shifted after the court ruling, Ali said. "[The April 6 Youth Movement] in Port Said is against the ruling. Opposition figure Hamdeen Sabbahi supported and visited us in our Cabinet sit-in last year when he was a presidential hopeful. Now he says the ruling is politicized," he said. "Political gains move politicians, but for us, justice, and justice only, will be forever our main drive," he concluded. Like him, Adel believes that the ultras will never be used as cards in the ongoing political deadlock. "We all support the revolution and we protest in Tahrir Square individually. But our collective actions as ultras will only serve our case as ultras, and we will never allow them to be used politically," he asserted. Some diagnose this gap as a cultural difference between the loosely organized activists and the more tightly organized ultras. For founding member of Zamalek Ultras White Knights and author of "The Ultras Book" Mohamed Gamal Beshir, also known as Gemyhood, there are two mindsets at hand - and they can fall into conflict. "The ultras are governed by their own moving, extremely radical performance," he said. But activists do not always understand this, he added. In their Cabinet sit-in in 2011, for example, the ultras declared that women would not be allowed to enter starting after 10 pm. The move infuriated many activists. "The activists saw this as discrimination and sexism, while the ultras believed that having girls will be a distraction from their specific goal," Gemyhood said. "The two perspectives are OK in their separate contexts, but show two conflicting cultures. The clash was inevitable." Accordingly, saying the ultras were infiltrated or are solely driven by football rivalry because they rejected anti-Morsy chants in the march is a rushed position, he argued, adding that for the ultras, chanting against Morsy was a distraction from the march's anti-military profile. It's the activists' mistake, he added, that they didn't explain their position that the opposition to both parties - the military and the Brotherhood - is interconnected. Samia Jaheen, who attended Friday's march, attributed the conflict to attempts at hijacking coordination among activists, ultras and other politically engaged groups. The goal of the march was clear through the Facebook event and the media, she said, and it was to commemorate the martyrs who fell during the military rule, and whose killers, the military commanders, were honored by Morsy. "The attempt to break our unity [before the march] was huge. It's as if there was determination to fail the first attempt at coordination between the two groups," she wrote on her Facebook. Acquiescing to the flawed notion that the incident marks the dramatic depoliticization of ultras is activist Alaa Abd El Fattah, who was at the march's forefront Friday. "As long as we insist that people cannot commit mistakes lesser than treason, and as long as we continue to fight over tactical choices as if they where ethical or ideological, we'll have incidents like these," he said. He blamed this insistence for activists' and protesters' ongoing problems engaging with the public. "There is extreme hostility toward those who have specific causes, which allows for ridiculous statements like ultras will fight for their own cause only. That's why we fail to engage with socioeconomic struggles," he added. This piece appears in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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204 |
2013-02-18
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/thousands-march-port-said-against-protest-killings
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Workers at the Port Said arsenal, which is run by the Suez Canal Authority, have joined a civil disobedience campaign that started Sunday to protest the deaths of demonstrators last month. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); Violence erupted in the city on 26 January after 21 local youths were sentenced to death in the Port Said football violence trial. Arsenal workers protested outside the facility early Monday to demand investigations into last month's clashes. Nearly 23 factories, employing 27,000 workers, have also shuttered, following the lead of schools and government offices. The strikes come after thousands of protesters marched through the streets of Port Said Sunday night demanding justice for those killed and wounded during last month's protests, as well as Interior Minister Mohamed Ibrahim's dismissal. Protesters said that the civil disobedience campaign would continue until their demands were met. The march from Shohada Square through 23 July, Gomhurriya and Saad Zaghloul streets included family members of those killed, injured or imprisoned, in addition to Al-Masry Club ultras. Protesters also demanded the dismissal of the head of Port Said Security Directorate and that an independent judge investigate the deaths and injuries of protesters last month. They also want the victims of the clashes to be granted a martyrs' status equal to that of those killed during the 25 January revolution. Edited translation from Al-Masry Al-Youm
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205 |
2013-02-19
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/protesters-block-port-said-road-trees-and-flaming-tires
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Hundreds Ultras Al-Masry members and Port Fouad residents blocked the road leading to the eastern side of Port Said with tree trunks and flaming tires on Tuesday. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The move is part of ongoing acts of civil disobedience in Port Said Governorate as protesters demand an investigation into the deaths of demonstrators during recent violence and compensation for victim's families. Violence erupted after the verdict in the Port Said football massacre sentenced 21 people to death in January. The military attempted to convince protesters to let port workers and container trucks through, but demonstrators refused to listen. In related news, the Strong Egypt Party, headed by former presidential hopeful Abdel Moneim Abouel Fotouh, froze its activities in Port Said in solidarity with the demands of protesters. In a statement issued Tuesday, the party said, "Due to the events Port Said Governorate is experiencing since 26 January, upon which a number of innocent people and some of the finest sons of the city were martyred, and as perpetrators have not been defined until now and as opacity and non-transparency surround investigations in these events, the Strong Egypt Party in Port Said [is acting in] solidarity with the legitimate demands of Port Said." The party backed the formation of an independent rights committee to investigate the violence as well as adequate compensation for victims and their family members, it added.
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206 |
2013-02-19
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/tuesday-s-papers-turbulence-within-army-and-port-said-civil-disobedience
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Al-Shorouk leads with, "prejudice against Sisi is suicide for the current political regime." The paper reports that sources stated there was a widespread feeling of unease and anger among Armed Forces officers in the wake of rumors about the sacking of Field Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the minister of defense. High level sources informed al-Shorouk that such rumors seek to test the Armed Forces' potential reaction towards the dismissal of their head, adding that the army will not re-enter the political scene. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The sources criticized the calls from certain activists, mentioning in particular Nawara Negm and Asmaa Mahfouz, for the Armed Forces to run the country again and suggested that these same people had previously chanted against army rule. Other military sources added that the army is aware of the attempts on the part of the Ultras to protest in front of the ministry of defense with the intention of pulling the army back into the political scene. The sources stated that any move against the Armed Forces leadership would be suicide for the current regime especially because the army is neutral and kept its promises to handle the transition period and hand the country to a civil and elected president. Party newspaper Al-Wafd writes, "Army anger rises because of Sisi's dismissal rumor." An army source stated that the Armed Forces will not allow a repeat of the Tantawy-Anan scenario. On the same note, a well informed source stated that the Muslim Brotherhood is known for such "rumor balloons" to read public opinion regarding possible decisions. The source added that the Brotherhood aims at changing the army from within, which is difficult with Sisi at the helm. On a different note, Al-Ahram reports that that in Port Said, factories and schools are closed and the city demands a presidential apology for the killings in the city over the past month. The government mouthpiece writes that on the second day of civil disobedience, al-Masry Ultras, in addition to the victims' families and some school students stopped employees from entering the free zone, leading to 28 factories being idle and LE18 millions in loss. Sources stated that workers coming from Daqahliya and Ismailia could not get to their places of work after the Ultras closed the way to Raswa Customs Port to force the factories owners to join the civil disobedience. Al-Ahram adds that protesters roamed around the city forcing people to return home. Protesters demand the rights of the martyrs that fell in the city in the clashes on the revolution anniversary and following the verdicts in relation to the football massacre last year. They also demand an official apology from the presidency. Port Said Governor Ahmed Abdallah declared that the social insurance minister has granted LE5,000 for each victim, in addition to LE1,000 from Port Said investors. Al-Shorouk writes that the president's legal advisor Mohamed Fouad Gadallah stated yesterday that Port Said's victims are considered martyrs, apart from the "criminals." He added that those who committed assaults against public facilities, buildings or security forces cannot be considered martyrs. In an attempt to alleviate the tension in the city, Gadallah stated that Port Said will return to being a well-cared for free zone and that the necessary legal and the procedural steps would be taken. The advisor said that this would address the grievances behind the civil disobedience. The Freedom and Justice newspaper writes describes events in the city as, "A fake civil disobedience." The mouthpiece of the Muslim Brotherhood states that the call for civil disobedience in Port Said received a weak response from the Green Eagles (al-Masry Ultras). Leftist forces tried to stop work in schools and vital institutes the paper said, but that these efforts did not bear fruit. Limited marches roamed around Port Said and leftist forces tried to empty certain government buildings of its employees in an attempt to get government attention. Egypt's papers: Al-Ahram: Daily, state-run, largest distribution in Egypt Al-Akhbar: Daily, state-run, second to Al-Ahram in institutional size Al-Gomhurriya: Daily, state-run Rose al-Youssef: Daily, state-run Al-Dostour: Daily, privately owned Al-Shorouk: Daily, privately owned Al-Watan: Daily, privately owned Al-Wafd: Daily, published by the liberal Wafd Party Youm7: Daily, privately owned Al-Tahrir: Daily, privately owned Al-Sabah: Daily, privately owned Freedom and Justice: Daily, published by the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party Sawt al-Umma: Weekly, privately owned Al-Arabi: Weekly, published by the Nasserist Party Al-Nour: Official paper of the Salafi Nour Party
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207 |
2013-02-21
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https://www.egyptindependent.com/who-rules-egypt-now
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At the beginning it was Ultras Ahlawy. On 27 January, a judge ordered the execution of 21 civilians in the Port Said football violence, in which at least 72 football fans were killed. googletag.cmd.push(function() { googletag.display('div-gpt-ad-1488287610204-3'); }); The ruling seemed to run contrary to the majority of court rulings in cases over the killing of revolutionaries since the 25 January revolution broke out. Most cases were closed because the culprits were unknown, or the charges were dropped due to a lack of incriminating evidence. Those convicted in the Port Said trial were convicted in relative haste compared to these cases over protester deaths, which were continually postponed, only to deem officers not guilty, in many cases. That signified the state's resolve to escalate its use of "legitimate" violence against citizens, even if they were unarmed or using primitive tools to defend their lives. Some explained the Port Said ruling as indicative of the regime's fear of the Ultras Ahlawy, and the regime's attempt to preempt a possible outburst if a verdict that did not bring retribution was issued. But the side effects of the ruling soon showed themselves strongly in the three Suez Canal governorates, with widespread protests and stark defiance to the imposed curfew, not only to protest the ruling, but also the regime's perceived bias against Port Said residents and those in other canal governorates, which were considered to have been scapegoated to avoid retaliation from the most important organized youth group in Egypt. Within that context, several observers said the ruling would lead to a rise in the revolutionary tide or the spread of chaos, including the undermining of state prestige. They also predicted an escalation in the use of symbolic or physical violence, from both parties. Things, however, look different three weeks later. Brushing aside conspiracy theory, it seems the recent escalation that accompanied the ruling in this cause celebre was deftly planned to enable the Interior Ministry to once again tighten its grip on the public sphere, using tools that had largely disappeared over the past two years, including killing, torture, wide-scale arrests and harassment, and the rape of protesters and detainees (both male and female). It is also clear that the security apparatus, and the regime in general, is trying to turn protesters against each other and use elements that infiltrate the protests to raise the level of violence in confrontations, and therefore create justification for any eventual use of repression and intimidation by the security sector. Most analysts have said this transformation reflects a strong alliance between the Muslim Brotherhood, the police and the army to salvage the state prestige and reinstate the same type of authoritarianism as Hosni Mubarak's. However, a more detailed and nuanced reading of the variations in the strategies of each of these three actors could enable us to understand how a new form of authoritarianism - a more legalist one - is being established. The total silence on the part of Brotherhood leaders regarding recent incidents of police violence demonstrates that after the Ettehadiya Presidential Palace confrontations of 5 December, in which Brotherhood members engaged directly with protesters, the group has decided to keep itself out of the escalation dynamics and to give leeway to security forces to monopolize violence in the name of preserving the state and its stability. The military, on the other hand, is trying to regain its moral authority among the population after one and a half years of direct rule, which had created a deep rift between them and the lay people. In the last three months, the Armed Forces announced more than once that they could intervene to restore security. However, they did not do so, which shows that the military institution is keen on establishing itself as an arbitrator rather than as a direct party to any open conflict between the revolutionaries and security forces, or between revolutionaries and the militias of Islamist powers, opting for the magical solution it has always adopted: ruling without governing. Although it seems there is a strong alliance between these three actors - the Brotherhood, the police and the army - a deeper look reveals that each of them has a more self-centered strategy: to ensure its survival as a foundational block of the ruling system and a key player in the coming, post-parliamentary elections stage, whether or not this will ensure the continuation of the strong ties with the other two parties. Egypt is being ruled by a loose alliance. Every party is aware of its fragile position and ready to adopt extreme measures to ensure its survival, first as such and then as an alliance component. But even if we hold these three bodies legally, politically and ethically responsible for letting the law of the jungle reign, the incoherence of this troika remains a clear feature of vulnerability - one that can be used to re-instigate revolutionary momentum in such difficult and turbulent times. The missing point is still this: Who among the opposition is ready to take on this task to continue the revolutionary struggle without falling in the tempting compromise of political inclusion? Dina el-Khawaga is a professor in Cairo University's Faculty of Economics and Political Science, and programs director at the Arab Reform Initiative in Paris. This article was translated by Dina Zafer. This piece was originally published in Egypt Independent's weekly print edition.
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